University of Arts in Belgrade
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Critique potential of common sense in Goffman’s frame analysis
No full textU ovom radu ćemo pokušati da razmotrimo kritički potencijal sociologije Ervinga Gofmana. Polazna hipoteza će biti da Gofmanovo shavatanje zdravog razuma koje je ponudio u Analizi okvira otvara mogućnost za formulaciju kritičkog uvida u strukturalne datosti svakodnevne društvene prakse. Pokušaćemo takođe da pokažemo da je ovakvo Gofmanovo razumevanje zdravog razuma bilo pod jakim uticajem pragmatizma i fenomenologije, te da su često zanemarene epistemološke razlike između ova dva teorijska pravca ostavile posledice i na gofmanovsku sociologiju. Naime, u Analizi okvira možemo uvek iznova da iščitamo svojevrsnu teorijsku napetost između pragmatičkog insistiranja na autonomnom teorijskom značaju zdravog razuma i redukcionističkih nastojanja koje su fenomenolozi gajili spram ove forme mišljenja. Shodno tome, tvrdićemo da je upravo ova ambivalencija po pitanju uloge zdravog razuma u tumačenju društvene stvarnosti predstavlja glavni razlog što kritički potencijal Gofmanove sociologije ostaje u velikoj meri implicitan po svom karakteru.In this paper, I will try to appraise the critique potential of Erving Goffman’s sociology. The starting hypothesis will be that Goffman’s understanding of common sense offered in Frame Analysis opens the possibility of attaining a critical insight into the structural givens of everyday practice. I will also try to show that Goffman’s understanding of common sense was under heavy influence of pragmatism and phenomenology - and that the often-overseen epistemological differences between these two schools of thought had significant consequences on his sociology. Namely, in the Frame Analysis we can easily find a certain tension between insistence on the autonomous theoretical importance of common sense put forward by the pragmatist and reductionist tendencies towards this type of thought found among the phenomenologists. Therefore, I will argue that this ambivalence regarding the role of common sense in interpreting social realty is the main reason why critique potential of Goffman’s sociology remains implicit in its character
Fenomenologija prazne intencionalnosti
No full textČlanak se bavi pojmom prazne intencionalnosti, imajući u vidu ne samo Husserlov opusnego i posthuserlovske – klasične i suvremene – fenomenologije. Posebna pažnja usmjerena je na tipologiju prazne intencionalnosti te se razlikuju četiri aspekta: 1. prazna reprezenta
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cija; 2. prazni perceptivni horizonti; 3. prazna temporalizacija; 4. prazna svijest. Pokazuje se da je pojam prazne intencionalnosti relevantan ne samo za razumijevanje povijesti feno
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menologije nego i za kontekst mnogih suvremenih filozofskih rasprav
Bezbednost kao društvena dobrobit
No full textPredmet rada je razmatranje načina borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala i posledica koje takvi načini borbe imaju na savremeno demokratsko društvo. Orijentacija u sferi kreiranja politike suzbijanja organizovanog kriminala podrazumeva povećavanje domena tolerancije ograničavanja tradicionalnog domena ljudskih prava. Taj fenomen čini ljudska prava ključnim za raspravu o savremenim bezbednosnim potrebama kao integrativnom delu koncepta društvene dobrobiti. Cilj rada je da ukaže na koncentraciju načina borbe protiv organizovanog kriminaliteta u uskom spektru represivnih odgovora i da uputi na alternativu tom pristupu. Umanjivanjem viktimizacije koja je posledica delovanja organizovanog kriminala putem nerepresivanog reagovanja na organizovani kriminalitet utiče se na prosperitet i dobrobit zajednice. Represivno delovanje, pogotovo kada je proaktivno, veoma ozbiljno i u načelu ugrožava tradicionalnu sferu ljudskih i građanskih prava čime se proširuje krug viktimizacije. Imajući u vidu povećanu svest javnosti o pretnji od organizovanog kriminaliteta, u radu se dalje ukazuje na ideju da metode u borbi protiv organizovanog kriminaliteta stvaraju kontroverze u domenu ljudskih prava na koje je moguće odgovoriti jedino proporcionalistički, odnosno na planu odmeravanja koja količina odricanja od tradicionalnih građanskih sloboda može biti opravdana. U zaključnim razmatranjima u tekstu, koja se odnose na proporciju represivnog i nerepresivnog proaktivnog delovanja protiv organizovanog kriminala, autorka razmatra i procenjuje realističan doseg povoljnih posledica koje bi takva kombinovana politika suprotstavljanja organizovanom kriminalu proizvela u sferi zaštite dominiona, odnosno kompozitnog korpusa ljudskih i građanskih prava zahvaćenih kroz kategorije i institucije demokratskog političkog sistema.
The paper discusses organized crime in its profound influence on the social fabric and the quality of social life overall. Today’s predominant strategies of fighting organized crime cause serious concerns over the traditional understanding of human rights in a democratic society. The anti–organized crime policies tend to increasingly focus on a narrow spectrum of repressive responses to perceived threats, failing to frame anti–organized crime policy within the wider concept of social well–being. Thus, anti–organized crime policy often, rather than reducing threats, facilitates further victimization of the society at large.
Due to the exceptionally high level of perceptions of threat from organized crime in most developed countries today, the public tolerance of repressive methods as a way to address the rise of organized crime is increasing. This increase in tolerance of state intrusion is potentially dangerous for the quality of democracy and for the level of protection of individual rights in society. The goal of the article is to discuss the need for proportionality between the threat posed by organize crime, on the one hand, and the potential threat to human rights which is posed by the use of repressive methods, on the other.
The author initially discusses the market basis for the emergence of organized crime, namely, dysfunctional public institutions. In societies where the state is effective in providing services such as debt collection, security of the general public and small businesses from violence and especially robbery or arson, provision of effective and protected transactions in money and goods, the maneuvering room for the market placement of organized crime ‘services’ is greatly diminished. The author considers the potential for reaching a balance of such repressive and non–repressive approaches to anti–organized crime policy, which would be sufficiently effective in reducing organized crime, while at the same time avoiding drastic threats to traditionally conceived human and civil rights
Ideological patterns of coalition making in Serbian parliamentary elections: Evidence based on experts' opinions
No full textThe paper is focusing on the patterns of coalition making in Serbian parliamentary elections, through the examination of motives for formation of pre-electoral alliances since the democratic changes in the year 2000. In the period of democratic consolidation, Serbian party system is still burdened with the long lasting practice of excessive coalition making: for example, in 2014 election, 12 out of 19 lists were coalitions; and in 2016 election, 9 out of 20. The question about the nature of this practice is twofold: are these coalitions formed because of ideological similarities; or is the motivation for association more pragmatically founded in political calculation to overcome the electoral threshold or gain additional parliamentary seats, and thereby released of ideological constraints? In order to determine the logic behind excessive coalition making, the impact of ideological factor will be investigated. This objective requires the use of classification of political parties, based on the experts’ opinions survey carried out by the author in 2014, and further complemented in 2017. In the survey, 18 relevant experts from the field of political science evaluated Serbian political parties’ ideologies on a single dimensional axis (extreme left to extreme right). The classification will serve as a basis for examination of ideological congruence of coalitions and further conclusions on the nature of coalition making. Furthermore, based on the same evidence, the author will make a time-section analysis of ideological stability of Serbian party system since 2000, in order to identify the patterns of ideological landscape through the years, mapping the significant changes in relation to the external factors of impact: such as EU accession, quality of democracy, cycles of economic crises and the issue of Kosovo - all the question that presumably could have the prevailing impact on the political and party dynamics in Serbia
Vrednost (u) umetnosti, vrednost u feminističkoj umetnosti: strategije (i) zadovoljstva
No full textPitanje vrednosti u području umetnosti neminovno uvodi u polje objektifikacijskog šifrovanja,
unutar koga percipijent i umetničko delo ili izvedba ulaze u složen odnos subjekatsko-objekatskog, ili pak objekatsko-objekatskog suodnosa. Ovaj tekst postavlja i analizira vrednost umetničkog dela/akta kroz preseke datih relacija, te kroz manifestaciju u objekatskim mestima događaja umetničke prakse
Perché è Grande la ʻGrande Guerra’? La guerra come questione filosofica
No full textUna cosa è chiara: le quotazioni dell’esperienza sono cadute e questo in una generazione che, nel 1914-1918, aveva fatto una delle più mostruose esperienze della storia mondiale. [...] Non si poteva già allora constatare che la gente se ne tornava muta dai campi di battaglia? Non più ricca, ma più povera di esperienza comunicabile. [...] Una generazione, che era andata a scuola ancora con il tram a cavalli, stava, sotto il cielo aperto, in un paesaggio in cui niente era rimasto immutato tranne le nuvole, e nel centro – in un campo di forza di esplosioni e di correnti distruttrici – il minuto e fragile corpo umano».
In questo noto, folgorante passaggio di uno scritto del 1933, Walter Benjamin condensa l’assurdo che sprigiona, ancora oggi, dall’esperienza della Grande Guerra, alla sua radice irrappresentabile. L’ampia ricerca a carattere interdisciplinare (filosofia, estetica, cinema, letteratura, linguistica, storia) che il volume presenta – condotta, tra gli altri, da alcuni accreditati studiosi nazionali e internazionali – considera la Grande Guerra, proprio a partire da questa traccia cruciale e a cento anni di distanza dalla sua deflagrazione, come nostra contemporanea. In particolare, mette a fuoco un carattere tragico dell’intero Novecento che la prima guerra mondiale avrebbe rivelato in tutta la sua crudezza: come fare esperienza, di fronte all’orrore, di ciò che non possiamo raccontare perché letteralmente inumano? Il volume esplora temi, autori e costellazioni di problemi che si collocano nel prisma culturale sollevato da questo interrogativo