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We refugees: an Unlivable Life
No full textТекст је подељен у две везане целине. Прва обрађује мотив који је увела Хана Арент 1943. године кратким текстом насловљеним „Ми избеглице“. Шта значи то „ми избеглице“, ко су ти „ми“, и mожемо ли и ми једном и некад бити избеглице? Фигура избеглице се чита и промишља у неколико варијација на фразу коју је увела Арент, с посебним освртом на идеју људских права, грађанства, страха, територије и припадања. Фигура избеглице нам такође омогућава да уведемо разлику између права
nа живот и права на живот који се може живети. Друга целина у том смислу тестира тезу према којој је за живљив живот неопходно да буду испуњена три услова: једнакост, одсуство сиромаштва и одсуство рата; три услова која су у случају
избеглица дубоко упитна.The paper is divided in two related parts. The first one offers a textual chain based on the short text “We Refugees” written by Hannah Arendt in 1943. What does this ‘we refugees’
mean, who are those ‘we’, and could we not once become refugees? The figure of a refugee is read through several instances of the phrase introduced by Arendt, with the special emphasis on the ideas of human rights, citizenship, fear, territory and belonging. The figure
of a refugee allows us to introduce an important difference, often omitted within strictly juridical and policy papers, between the right to life and the right to a livable life. The second part of the text examines the hypothesis that a livable life requires three conditions for its possibility: equality, the absence of war and the absence of poverty. The life of a refugee can be thought of as a retraction of these conditions, and thus as unlivable
„The Right to Have Rights“ in Theory of Citizenship beyond Sovereignty
No full text„The Right to Have Rights“ in Theory of Citizenship beyond Sovereignty
The institution of citizenship is characterized by its ambivalence with regard to the notions
(and values) of inclusion/exclusion, rights/disempowerment, belonging/otherness.
Historically and conceptually, citizenship has been developing in symbiosis with the ideas of
equality, freedom, protection of rights and full membership in the political community. In
this respect its emancipatory legacy is beyond doubt. In addition, the critique of abstractness
of human rights, mostly developed by Hannah Arendt, influenced contemporary assertions
that human rights and freedoms have little significance outside the framework of the state
institution of citizenship. On the other hand, one could claim that citizenship represents
legalized discrimination as it a priori presupposes a distinction between citizens and non-citizens as legitimate. Moreover, as citizenship one holds predetermines to a great extent
one's life chances, it can be said to occupy a „pivotal place in the over-all segmentary
architecture of the nation-state system“ (Brubaker). This citizenship paradox, its
simultaneous emancipative and discriminative role, reveals itself more openly when
confronted with the problems of refugees, irregular migration and statelessness. This paper
analyzes these tensions and questions the possibility of their overcoming within the
framework of the so-called citizenship beyond sovereignty.The institution of citizenship is characterized by its ambivalence with regard to the notions (and values) of inclusion/exclusion, rights/disempowerment, belonging/otherness. Historically and conceptually, citizenship has been developing in symbiosis with the ideas of equality, freedom, protection of rights and full membership in the political community. In this respect its emancipatory legacy is beyond doubt. In addition, the critique of abstractness of human rights, mostly developed by Hannah Arendt, influenced contemporary assertions that human rights and freedoms have little significance outside the framework of the state institution of citizenship. On the other hand, one could claim that citizenship represents legalized discrimination as it a priori presupposes a distinction between citizens and non-citizens as legitimate. Moreover, as citizenship one holds predetermines to a great extent one's life chances, it can be said to occupy a „pivotal place in the over-all segmentary architecture of the nation-state system“ (Brubaker). This citizenship paradox, its simultaneous emancipative and discriminative role, reveals itself more openly when confronted with the problems of refugees, irregular migration and statelessness. This paper analyzes these tensions and questions the possibility of their overcoming within the framework of the so-called citizenship beyond sovereignty
Biće (ens) kao maxime primum kod Tome Akvinskog
No full textToma Akvinski tvrdi da je biće (ens) ono što je prvo spoznato razumom, te da se njime ništa ne može shvatiti ako nije biće. Ta se primarnost bića u radu analizira sa spoznajne strane (biće kao primum cognitum) i s metafizičke strane (biće kao actus essendi). U tom kontekstu, razmotren je i pojam svođenja (resolutio) kao načina dolaska do spoznaje bića, kao i odnos bića spram transcendentalije stvar (res).Thomas Aquinas claims that ens is the first known by the intellect; and that it is not possible to conceive anything if it is not an ens. That firstnes of being is analyzed from its epistemological aspect (ens as primim cognitum) as well as from metaphysical one (ens as actus essendi). In that context; the notion of resolutio is considered and the relation of being and transcendental notion of thing (res)
Self-interest and greed: is the homo economicus unethical?
No full textСредишње питање овог чланка је да ли је властити интерес, који
је постао технички термин економије, само преименован и оправдан негдањи
смртни грех похлепе, или је с њим наступило једно ново и другачије разумевање
човека и пожељне организације друштва. У првом делу рада се излажу ар-
гументи који су артикулисали прву тезу, а у другом они који је оспоравају. У
закључном делу рада указује се на могућност интерпретација које усвајају кри-
тику властитог интереса као наследника похлепе, али налазе начин да сачувају
његову самосталност и оперативност, како унутар економске теорије, тако и
унутар сугерисане друштвене праксе.The central question of the article is whether it is self-interest, which has become a technical term of economy, nothing but a renamed and justified quondam deadly sin of greed, or is it engender and announces a new and different understanding of man and the desirable organization of society. First part of the paper introduce the arguments that articulated the first thesis, and the second those that call it into question. Concluding part of the article points to the possibility of interpretations that adopts the criticism of self-interest as the successor of greed, but find a way to preserve its independence and operationality both within the economic theory and the suggested social practices
Brief aus Serbien
No full textTwo authors with a similar philosophical biography write this letter from Serbia. First the German professor is introduced to the history of Serbian philosophy. Special attention is given to the relations between German and Serbian philosophy. Subsequently, the present situation of philosophy in Serbia is described, including the toil and deprivation implied in occupying oneself with philosophy in this country. The authors demonstrate that in these circumstances, enthusiasm and personal dedication are of the essence
Von der existentialen Möglichkeit zum mögenden Vermögen der Seinsgeschichtlichkeit
No full textD: Der Beitrag stellt den Versuch dar, eine modallogische Perspektive auf die Philosophie Heideggers zu eröffnen. Im Mittelpunkt der Überlegungen stehen daher die Begriffe der existentialen Möglichkeit (existentialontologisch) und des mögenden Vermögens (seinsgeschichtlich) sowie die modallogischen Gemeinsamkeiten und Verschiebungen zwischen dem frühen und späten philosophischen Ansatz Martin Heideggers. Es wird gezeigt, inwiefern es sich dabei zum einen um sowohl in existentialontologischer als auch in seinsgeschichtlicher Hinsicht um eine Abwehr 'metaphysischer' Möglichkeitsbegriffe handelt, zum anderen aber auch um die Aufgabe einer explizit formulierten und phänomenlogisch modifizierten transzendentalphilosophischen Fragestellung zugunsten der Auffassung von Sein als dem genuinen Vermögen bzw. von Seinsvermögen als dem eigentlich 'Möglichen'.
E: This article tries to put Heidegger's philosophy into a modal logic perspective. It therefore focusses on the concept of 'existentiale Möglichkeit' and 'mögendes Vermögen', as well as on the common ground and the differences between the early and late Heidegger as regards modal logical aspects. It will be shown to what extent this pertains on the one hand to a rejection of 'metaphysical' modal conceptions; and on the other hand to the task of an explicitly articulated and phenomenologically modified transcendental question concerning an understanding of Being as a genuine possibility or of 'Seinsvermögen' as the actually 'possible'
Pisanje stradanja: knjiga o knjigama: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu
No full textRegionalni naučni centar Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju organizovao je u Novom Sadu od 18. do 21. aprila 2017. godine seriju događaja „Sećanje na Holokaust“, koja je sadržavala konferenciju „Holokaust i filozofija“, tribinu istoričara „Jevrejski identitet, antisemitizam i Holokaust“, jedan školski dan o Holokaustu „Lekcije za budućnost“ i simpozijum „Učiti o Holokaustu: utopija ili šansa – obrazovne prakse i pedagoški izazovi“. Čitavo događanje otvoreno je koncertom hora Jevrejske opštine Novi Sad – „Hašira“ i izložbom u novosadskoj Sinagogi pod nazivom „Pisanje stradanja: vodič kroz publikacije o Holokaustu“ autorke, Biljane Albahari i dizajnerke Ornele Rezinović. Izložbu je pratio ovaj katalog koji ima odlike samostalne knjige
Angažman i problem univerzalnosti: prefigurativna politika
No full textU prvom odeljku ovog teksta nudim klasifikaciju pojma angažmana prema objektu na koji je angažman usmeren. U skladu sa tom klasifikacijom angažman delim na privatni, društveni i politički. Osim što nudi pojmovno razjašnjenje, ovakva klasifikacija ima i tu prednost da kroz nju dolazi do izražaja problem univerzalnosti kao jedno od najvažnijih pitanja, kako za studije angažmana, tako i za sam (društveni i politički) angažman. Kao što ću pokazati, takva klasifikacija ističe suprotnost između univerzalnih i partikularnih zahteva angažmana, koja nameće pitanje mogu li se, i kako, univerzalizovati zahtevi angažmana. Drugi deo teksta posvećen je odgovoru na to pitanje, razmatranjem odnedavno sve prisutnijeg oblika političkog angažmana koji se u literaturi naziva „prefigurativna politika“. Smatram da, po specifičnostima svoje strukture (način organizacije zajedničkog delanja i odlučivanja), ovaj oblik političkog angažmana predstavlja pažnje vrednu alternativu klasičnom partijskom modelu političkog angažmana, koja ujedno nudi mogući odgovor na pomenuti problem univerzalnosti