University of Arts in Belgrade
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Paul Celan on the Impossibility of Testimony: “Ort meiner eigenen Herkunft”
No full textIn his poems, Paul Celan does not use words such as territory, border, border crossing, and only very rarely the word space. I would like to reconstruct the traces of “Heimat” in Celan (in a number of poems from different periods “Heimat” plays an important role), and perhaps try to describe what Heimat might have meant for the young Paul Antschel (his real name). That is to say, I would like to understand whether “Heimat” is synonymous with what Celan speaks about, many years after his name change, in the address given on the occasion of the Georg-Buechner- Preis: “Ich suche auch, denn ich bin ja wieder da, wo ich begonnen habe, den Ort meiner eigenen Herkunft.” In the poems written at the time when Antschel is learning Hebrew as well as reading Martin Buber (Israel Chalfen) for the first time, I look for some basic figures Celan ties to his life in Bukovina at the time, in the environment of Czernowitzer Judentums. Aside from the works by Israel Chalfen, Else Keren and Elke Guenzel, I would like to make use of a book published some ten years ago, a detailed listing of Celan’s Paris library. I would like to consult this archive in the coming period, since Celan punctuated the margins of many of those books with evocations of his early creative period.Paul Celan u svojim pesmama ne upotrebljava reči kao što su teritorija, granica, prelaženje granice, a veoma retko reč prostor. Namera mi je da rekonstruišem tragove „Heimat“ kod Celana (u nekoliko pesama iz različitih perioda „Heimat“ je važna tema) i eventualno pokušam da opišem šta je Heimat mogao da znači za mladoga Paul Antschel (njegovo pravo ime). Odnosno da li je „Heimat“ zaista u sinonimiji sa onim što Celan kaže, puno godina kasnije, u govoru povodom uručenja Georg-Buechner-Preis: „Ich suche auch, denn ich bin ja wieder da, wo ich begonnen habe, den Ort meiner eigenen Herkunft“. Pokušaću da u pesmama napisanim u vreme kada Antschel uči hebrejski i prvi put čita knjige Martina Bubera (Israel Chalfen), pokažem neke osnovne figure koje Celan vezuje za svoj tadašnji život u Bukowini, a u okruženju Czernowitzer Judentums. U ovom istraživanju ću se koristiti, osim radova Israela Chalfena, Else Keren i Elke Guenzel, i knjigom koja je objavljena pre desetak godina u kojoj je detaljno popisana pariska biblioteka Paul Celana. Namera mi je da konsultujem ovaj arhiv u narednom periodu jer Celan na marginama svojih knjiga na nekoliko mesta evocira svoje prve stvaralačke godine
Philosophical fantasy: Thinking about utopian spaces and space for utopian thinking (study)
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International Intelligence Sharing: Key Preconditions for an Effective Oversight
No full textInternational intelligence sharing has boosted in the last twenty years or so, particularly after terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Already established intelligence cooperation agreements, bilateral and multilateral, have entered into a new phase, resulting in a vast amount of intelligence shared, including the information on their own citizens communicated by national agencies both among themselves, and with their foreign counterparts. Some of those intelligence cooperation agreements are formal, constituting legal instruments, but an important number of them has actually been informal, based upon the common understanding between heads of the national intelligence services or other state officials. When intelligence exchange is based on informal international cooperation, rooted only in a scarce and usually outdated national legislation, then there are no legal safeguards for the citizens, who are essentially the targets of such exchange. In other words, these practices have had many human rights implications. While there is a considerable body of literature on intelligence sharing per se, its human rights aspects remain largely neglected. Hence, our aim is to map the preconditions for an effective oversight of international intelligence sharing, concentrating on the external oversight that should be designed to guarantee a legally sound exchange of intelligence with foreign partners
Enmity and Politics: Reaffirming or Rejecting the Concepts
No full textThis volume attempts to contribute to the discussion about the nation, nationalism and its inevitable attendant, enmity. In what sense have friendship and hostility (Schmitt 1996, Derrida 1994, Bojanić 1995; 2015) gained new meanings, and what would those meanings be? Does nation-building always involve a common enemy one has to fight? Or does it meet its limits with being a mere remedy for contemporary forms of inequality, or a tranquilizer for those unsettled by the complexity and insecurity brought up by globalized capitalism? These questions become increasingly important as we witness the crisis of the collectivity-building process of the European Union. Do the contemporary politics of difference contest the notion of enmity or, quite to the contrary, reaffirm it
Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije
No full textFunkcionalan parlament, koji efikasno i delotvorno vrši svoju predstavničku, zakonodavnu, kontrolnu i izbornu funkciju, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti, odnosno kamen temeljac vladavine prava. Međutim, iako ustavni dizajn na prvi pogled obezbeđuje jake garancije za podelu vlasti i snažnu ulogu parlamenta u Srbiji, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti i političkih partija, kao i sistemske zloupotrebe demokratskih procedura, dovode do urušavanja položaja i uticaja parlamenta. Polazeći od Ustava Republike Srbije i uređenja vlasti koje predviđa, u ovom radu analizira se moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije. Analizirajući odnos zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Srbiji, ovim radom ističemo značajnu razliku između principa podele vlasti koja je de jure definisana Ustavom, i neravnoteže vlasti koja de facto postoji. Time ispitujemo domet uticaja koji ustavni dizajn ima na uspostavljanje i očuvanje vladavine prava, kao i potencijalne zloupotrebe istog od strane nedemokratskih vođa kako bi uz „fasadnu” demokratiju, zloupotrebu i kršenje demokratskih procedura, konsolidovali vlast. U radu se zaključuje da su uloga i uticaj parlamenta u političkom sistemu Srbije u praksi znatno manji nego što je predviđeno samim ustavnim dizajnom, uz alarmantno nizak stepen odgovornosti prema delotvornom vršenju svojih funkcija.A functioning parliament, which efficiently and effectively performs its representative, legislative, control and electoral functions, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the system of checks and balances, as the cornerstone of the rule of law. However, although the constitutional design at first glance provides strong guarantees for the separation of powers and a strong role of the Parliament in Serbia, the growing concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties, as well as systemic misuse of democratic procedures, are resulting in degradation of the position and influence of the Parliament. Starting from the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and envisaged organization of government, this paper analyzes the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in Serbian political system.
By analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive powers in Serbia, this paper underlines a significant difference between the principle of the separation of powers that is de jure defined by the Constitution, and their imbalance that exists de facto. Along these lines, the paper examines the extent of the influence that constitutional design has on the establishment and preservation of the rule of law, as well as its potential misuse by undemocratic leaders with the aim to consolidate the power with a “façade” democracy, abuse and violation of democratic procedures. The paper concludes that the role and influence of the Parliament in the political system of Serbia is in practice much lower than the constitutional design stipulated, with an alarmingly low level of responsibility for the effective performance of its functions
„Serbian Mother“ Before the Court of Nation: Milan Nedic and Rehabilitation of Collaboration in Postsocialist Serbia
No full textThe paper presents a synthesized overview of the theory and practice of revisionist policies in the dominant parts of Serbian society and historiography. The paper focuses on the historical role of the president of the Quisling Government in occupied Serbia, Milan Nedic. Despite the unquestionable collaboration, which was not only political and institutional but also ideological and practical, which was manifested in the adoption and implementation of the “Aryan” racist ordinances and the Holocaust, social and media rehabilitation of Milan Nedic began in the first years after the breakdown of socialism. Different aspects of the society, from the church to the theater and the media, participated in these activities. The peak of the rehabilitation of the collaboration and of Milan Nedic in post-socialist Serbia took place in the first decade of the 21st century when the top of the state invited the public to honour the personification of Serbian quislings - as patriots and martyrs. The paper also analyzes the attempt of judicial rehabilitation of Milan Nedic
U potrazi za modusom vivendi – Srbija i Vojvodina u 20. veku
No full textU radu se polazi od Majske skupštine 1848. i konstituisanja Vojvodine kao istorijske pokrajine i teritorijalno-političkog subjekta čiji je autonomni status trebalo da bude nacionalno omeđen. Iako nije realizovana u Habzburškoj monarhiji, ideja autonomije Vojvodine predstavljaće osnovu težnji u jugoslovenskom državnom okviru u 20. veku. Iako je u metodu pripajanja Vojvodine Kraljevini Srbiji primenjena nacionalistička platforma Radikalne partije o neophodnosti nestanka vojvođanskog subjektiviteta, posle samo decenije neuporedive ekonomske eksploatacije i političke degradacije, u Vojvodini se javlja snažan autonomistički pokret sa težnjom za ravnopravnim statusom u Jugoslaviji. Takav položaj Vojvodina će izboriti zahvaljujući snažnom antifašističkom pokretu tokom Drugog svetskog rata. Zbog toga je jula 1945. na Skupštini izaslanika naroda Vojvodine konstituisana autonomna pokrajina koja se priključila Srbiji kao delu federativne Jugoslavije. U tom statusu Autonomna pokrajina Vojvodina je opstajala do pred sam kraj druge Jugoslavije, koja je štitila njena autonomna prava od konstantnih pokušaja Srbije da je potčini i ograniči joj samoupravu. Vojvođanska autonomija kao jugoslovensko pitanje faktički je prestala da postoji sinhrono sa krajem socijalističke Jugoslavije, čiji je derivat bila. Prve decenije vojvođanske podređenosti centralističkoj Srbiji donele su siromašenje nezabeleženo u dva veka postojanja ove istorijske pokrajine i zasebne teritorijalno-političke jedinice