University of Arts in Belgrade
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Pjevač u noći kao postjugoslovenski hipertekst: šta rod, žanr i metafikcija imaju s ljubavlju?
Ebrei profughi in Kosovo, Montenegro e Albania
Poglavlje u monograifji bavi se jevrejskim izbeglicama koje su sa teritorije okupirane Srbije našle utočište na Kosovu, u Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji
Hegel, Deleuze/Guattari and Political Immanence: The Sons of Rousseau
In the article I argue that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari construct two distinct political paths toward immanence. Both of these paths have as their starting point Rousseau’s bourgeois. I show that both thinkers follow Rousseau in his attempt to construct political immanence and abandon the position of private man. However, in doing so they move in opposite directions. Hegel seeks to convert the bourgeois into the citizen, with the intention of reformulating the immanence of state-life presented in the The Social Contract by extending mutual recognition a distinct space in the form of civil society. In contrast Deleuze/Guattari move in the direction of becoming-animal along the lines of the Discourse on Inequality, by reformulating the relationship between life and society. At the same time, I argue that the overcoming of the problems that Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari identified in Rousseau introduces new ones and that the dangers inherent in the project of immanence cannot disappear
Utilitarizam i ideja univerziteta Kratka etička analiza
The standard objection to the utilitarian vision of morality is that utilitarian so-called “Greatest-Happiness Principle” could justify counter-intuitive practices such as punishing and sacrifice of innocents, breaking of promises and manipulation. The underlying presumption is that the greatest cause (general utility, “happiness”) must be capable of justifying causing suffering of the few. The fact is that, in the upbringing and education of humans (children), some degree of manipulation is needed. Instead, in that process, we use concepts which belong to deontological prescriptions (“obligations,” “duties”) such as “Do not lie” or “Do not steal.” Our question is: Can we imagine the University guided by the simple utility principle. We must remember that a University is for adults, not for children. Why now not be open and at the University say that everything we do we do for the sake of hedonistic “happiness,” not for the sake of duty. That seems suspicious for several reasons. Maybe the most noteworthy objection is that Mill’s version of the utilitarianism tends to divide humanity into two classes: moral aristocracy, which seeks “higher pleasures,” and others who do not. Does that mean that utilitarians must organize secret utilitarian universities for moral aristocracy? Does it mean that moral aristocracy, according to the utility principle, should organize “deontological,” manipulative public universities for lower classes?Standarni prigovor utilitarnoj viziji moralnosti jeste da tzv. „princip najveće sreće” može da opravda kontraintuitivne prakse kao što su kažnjavanje i žrtvovanje nevinih, kršenje obećanja i manipulaciju. Osnovna pretpostavka je da najveći razlog (opšta korisnost, „sreća”) mora biti sposoban opravdati uzrokovanje patnje nekolicine. Činjenica je da u okviru podizanja i obrazovanja ljudi (dece), neki nivo manipulacije jeste potreban. Umesto toga, u tom procesu mi koristimo pojmove koji pripadaju deontološkim propisima („obaveze”, „dužnosti”) kao što su „Ne laži” ili „Ne kradi”. Naše pitanje je: možemo li zamisliti Univerzitet vođen jednostavnim principom korisnosti. Moramo zapamtiti da je Univerzitet za odrasle, ne za decu. Zašto se sada ne otvori i na Univerzitetu ne kaže da sve što radimo radimo zarad hedonističke „sreće“, a ne zarad dužnosti. To se čini sumnjivim iz nekoliko razloga. Možda prigovor najvredniji pažnje jeste da Milova verzija utilitarizma nastoji da podeli čovečanstvo u dve klase: moralnu aristokratiju, koja traži „viša uživanja“, i druge koji to ne traže. Da li to znači da utilitarci moraju da organizuju tajne utilitarijanske univerzitete za moralnu aristokratiju? Da li to znači bi da moralna aristokratija, prema principu korisnosti, trebalo da organizuje „deontološke“, manipulatavine javne univerzitete za niže klase
Transitional justice in troubled societies
This book discusses the crucial strategic topic for the practical implementation of transitional justice in post-conflict societies by arguing that the dilemma is defined by the extent to which the actual achievement of the political goals of transition is a necessary condition for the long-term observance and implementation of justice.
While in many cases the ‘blind’ criminal justice does not enhance, and even militates against, the achievement of political transitions, an understanding of transitional justice as a fundamentally political process is novel, controversial and a concept which may shape the future of transitional justice.
This collection contributes to developing this concept both theoretically and through concrete and current case studies from the worlds most pronounced crisis spots for transitional justice