University of Arts in Belgrade

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    Feministička teorija je za sve

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    Ova knjiga je proizvod promišljanja i udruženog rada osoba koje su se okupile na konferenciji održanoj u februaru 2018. godine u organizaciji Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju i Fakulteta političkih nauka. Kao knjiga, ona je nužno samo sažetak, poprečni presek onoga što je tokom četiri dana izgovarano, onoga o čemu se tokom četiri dana razgovaralo za stolom ili u foajeima. No, upravo kao knjiga, ona je i neizbrisiv trag tih razgovora, nešto što ih trajno zbira i okuplja na mestu koje istrajava i nadrasta određeni trenutak. Knjiga je podeljena na osam tematskih celina koje nisu u potpunosti odvojene, pa se lako može uspostaviti komunikacija ne samo između različitih delova knjige već i između pojedinačnih tekstova u različitim celinama

    Habemus gender. The Serbian case

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    The article discusses the emergence of 'gender ideology' in Serbia, focusing on the recent public outcry against the introduction of education packages on gendered violence in schools. The case demonstrates that this concerted action has been undertaken not by the 'common people' it purportedly represents, but by conservative academics. The struggle against 'gender ideology' divides 'the people' into two camps, upholding the values of the 'normal' (Serbian) family: that is, a middle-class, well-to-do family that wants to be left alone, unaffected and undisturbed by intrusions of the state. The article demonstrates the validity of the claim that gender acts as 'symbolic glue' in contemporary conservative struggles across Europe

    Expert survey on party ideology database

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    Data set on ideology of ruling political parties and coalitions in former socialist states of Central and Eastern Europe. Data is retrieved from an expert survey which included a multinational panel of 273 experts on party systems of 16 countries. The survey was conducted online in June and July 2017 by Dejan Bursać, researcher at the Belgrade-based Institute for Political Studies, as a part of his doctoral research at the University of Belgrade. The respondents were asked to locate each party on a general left-right scale, considering all aspects of party policy and all relevant information about a party position. Ideology of each party is presented numerically in the one-dimensional policy space, ranging from 0 (extreme left) to 10 (extreme right), for every parliamentary term/government since the first multi-party elections after the fall of socialism (and in some cases, after achieving national independence) in all 16 countries of the sample. Average ideology of every government is presented as a weighted mean of member parties, in relation to their parliamentary strength. Please cite accordingly: Bursac, Dejan (2018). Expert survey on party ideology in former socialist countries, 1990-2017. Retrieved from: http://www.ips.ac.rs/researchers/dejan-bursac

    Symbols: Software for Social Network Analysis

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    The unique possibilities of online social networks such as real-time data access, knowledge of users’ changing preferences and access to their statuses provide the possibility for innovation in the analysis of people’s behavior and opinions, when compared to classical offline methods. Literature review shows lack of studies about the use of public Facebook data in Serbia for the improvement of different product sale, political or promotional campaigns, recommender systems, etc. In this paper, we present the way how data from Facebook can be collected in order to gain insight into the individuals’ preferences and statuses, as well as their connection to a company's fan pages. In particular, we present data collection framework – Symbols – used for collecting individual specific data. The framework stores data into a local database and involves a module for a graph and content-based analysis of these data. The proposed framework for social network analysis can be used as a decision-making system in users’ preferences implementation thus creating a space for business improvements in various areas

    Utopijska misao između reči i akcije: seminar sa Rejmondom Gojsom

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    Swallowing the Bate: Reading David Albahari’s Representation of the Holocaust against the Background of the 1990s Yugoslav Wars

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    Ovo izlaganje ispituje povezanosti između holokausta i ratova iz 1990-ih godina u romanu Davida Albaharija Mamac (1996). Dosadašnja kritika već je ukazala na “kopernikanski obrt” koji postoji između Albaharijevih ranih, postmodernističkih, aistorijskih knjiga i erupcije istorije u njegove romane posle 1990. godine. U ovom radu iznosi se tvrdnja da ovo pomeranje težišta u Albaharijevom opusu ukazuje na to da za njega holokaust kao trauma može biti predstavljen kroz pisanje samo nakon savremene traume post-jugoslovenskih ratova i raspada zemlje. Ipak, prethodni tumači (Vervaet 2013) uglavnom su Albaharijevu naraciju o holokaustu čitali kao primera onoga što Merien Hirš (Marianne Hirsch) naziva post-sećanje (postmemory) i opisuje kao “veza koju ‘generacija posle’ oseća sa ličnom, kolektivnom i kulturnom traumom onih koji su došli pre – iskustva kojih se oni ‘sećaju’ samo putem priča, slika i ponašanja onih s kojima su rasli.” Nedavno, međutim, proučavaoci poput Ive Kosmos izneli su stav da se, preplićući priču o holokaustu sa novijim kontekstom balkanskih ratova, Albahari zapravo ograničio na “hegemonski narativ srpske žrtve, odnosno, priču o povijesnom stradanju srpskoga naroda koja je poslužila kao opravdanje za rat” (Kosmos 2016). U ovom članku ukršteni su Albaharijevo pisanje o holokaustu u sa njegovim referencama na post-jugoslovenske ratove u romanu Mamac, kako bi se utvdilo u kojoj meri oni poseduju kritički potencijal a u kojoj se uklapaju u dominantan srpski narativ o događajima iz novije istorije.This paper explores the relations that David Albahari’s writings about the Holocaust in his novels Mamac (1996), Svetski putnik (Globetrotter, 2001) and Gec i Majer (Götz and Meyer, 2004) establish with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Previous scholarship already pointed out the Copernican twists between Albahari’s early, postmodern, ahistorical writing and the eruption of history into his post-1990s novels. This thereby implies that for him the Holocaust as a trauma can be represented into writing only after the contemporary trauma of the Yugoslav wars and country’s dissolution. Yet, earlier scholarship (Vervaet 2013) mostly remained confined to the reading of his Holocaust narratives as instances of what Marianne Hirsch calls postmemory: “the relationship that the ‘generation after’ bears to the personal, collective, and cultural trauma of those who came before – experiences they ‘remember’ only by means of the stories, images, and behaviors among which they grew up.” Most recently, however, scholars such as Iva Kosmos argued that by framing the Holocaust narratives into the recent context of the Balkan wars, Albahari actually remains confined to the “hegemonic narrative of Serbian victimhood, story about historical suffering of the Serbian people that served as an excuse for the war” (Kosmos 2016). I therefore intend to relate Albahari’s Holocaust narratives against the backdrop of the 1990s post-Yugoslav wars in order to determine their critical potential for understanding the recent violent Balkan past

    Justice and power – lessons of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

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    Предмет текста је заоставштина Међународног кривичног трибунала за бившу Југославију сагледана у светлу чињенице да ова правосудна институција ускоро окончава свој више пута продужавани мандат. Ауторка се у раду осврће на више аспеката њеног вишедеценијског пословања који јасно осведочавају преваленцију политичких над правним и моралним мотивима њених оснивача и финансијера. Реч је, најпре, о казненој политици Трибунала о којој ауторка говори „тврдим“ и неумољивим језиком бројки. Она се потом осврће на практично-политичке реперкусије речене политике МКТБЈ-а, доводећи их у везу са текућим геополитичким редизајнирањем простора постјугословенског Западног Балкана. У наредном делу рада тематизован је проблем међунационалног помирења којем је, декларативно узев, Трибунал требало да допринесе. Закључак ауторке је да је својом досадашњом интервенцијом у међунационалне односе на просторима некадашње заједничке државе МКТБЈ створио више претпоставки за обнављање сукоба у ближој или даљој будућности, него за стабилан и трајан мир у једном разореном и крвљу пренатопљеном региону.The subject of this text is the legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia viewed in the light of the fact that this judicial institution is soon to terminate its several times extended mandate. The author deals with many aspects of this institution’s decades-long work, which clearly testify to the prevalence of the political motives of its founders and financiers over the legal and moral ones. This, above all, refers to the Tribunalʼs punitive policy, of which the author speaks in a “hard” and unrelenting language of numbers. She goes on to treat the practical and political repercussions of the Tribunalʼs aforesaid policy, bringing them into a relation with the current geopolitical redesigning of the area of the post-Yugoslav Western Balkans. She then continues to thematize the problem of international reconciliation, to which, declaratively speaking, the Tribunal was meant to contribute. The author presents arguments in favour of the stand that wars do not end in order that the conflicting sides should reconcile with one another although, upon termination of conflicts, they mostly do that, sooner or later. What occupies a much more higher position on the agenda of national goals in the post-war period is the preservation of what has been acquired through war and the decriminalization of the manner in which that was done. The reconciliation of the nations which were at war until recently, even if it happens, is rather an outcome of the conformist and compromissory nature of human life as such than of any external intervention which is the least reminiscent of those applied by the Tribunal. The author concludes that by intervening into the inter-ethnic relations in the territory of the former joint state, the Tribunal has created more conditions for the renewal of conflicts in the near or distant future than for a stable and permanent peace in a devastated and blood-soaked region

    (I dalje) dupli teret na leđima (akademskih) radnica?

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    Kada govorimo o izazovima sa kojima se akademske radnice suočavaju na početku svojih karijera, o usklađenosti njihovog privatnog i profesionalnog života i organizaciji slobodnog vremena, neminovno razmatramo teme od velikog značaja. Međutim, iako diskusija vezana za usklađenost privatnog i profesionalnog života ne može proći bez osvrta na raspodelu poslova unutar domaćinstva, ova problematika, potpuno neopravdano, gubi na atraktivnosti u javnim diskusijama, često čak i onima koje karakterišu feministički pristupi. Dve međusobno povezane problematike istražene su u ovoj studiji. Prva problematika se odnosi na podelu poslova u domaćinstvu (i na faktore koji na nju utiču), kao i na zadovoljstvo akademskih radnica takvom situacijom. Druga se odnosi na usklađivanje poslovnih i porodičnih obaveza s fokusom pre svega na ispitivanje postojanja odnosa međuzavisnosti između raspodele poslova unutar domaćinstva i fluidnije organizacije posla, koja je karakteristična i za akademsku profesiju. Iako prevashodno eksplorativnog karaktera, s obzirom na to da je primarni cilj prikupljanja podataka korišćenih u mojoj studiji bio uvid u situaciju u kojoj se nalaze akademske radnice na početku karijere, koje su angažovane na Univerzitetu u Beogradu, u tekstu ću pokušati da otvorim diskusiju vezanu za ova pitanja i ponudim neka objašnjenja. Tekst moje studije podeljen je u četiri dela. Nakon uvoda sledi deo teksta posvećen istraživačkim pitanjima i s njima povezanim tezama koje proizilaze iz, u ovom delu izloženog, neminovno selektivnog pregleda relevantne literature. U empirijskom delu rada koji će nakon toga uslediti, podvrgnuću proveri istraživačka pitanja i teze. Poslednji, zaključni, deo posvetiću diskusiji relevantnih rezultata

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