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Talking Race, Nation, Class: The Belgrade Workshop
No full textSince its first publication in French in 1988, Race, Nation, Classe. Les Identités ambiguës has been translated into nine languages, sparking an intriguing variety of discussions. How were Balibar and Wallerstein’s theses expanded, adapted, and criticized? How can the questions raised in the book be connected with their manifold reverberations still found today? How have they shifted in diverse local contexts? Published alongside the symposium Dangerous Conjunctures. Resituating Balibar/Wallerstein‘s "Race, Nation, Class" the contributions to this publication reflect the book’s reception and the relevance of its topics for both past and present. Authors from diverse local contexts worldwide—from Argentina through South Africa and Palestine to India and Japan—investigate its impact in relation to local political and social developments. Furthermore, workshops that took place between November 2017 and January 2018 in Ankara, Belgrade, Berlin, Buenos Aires, Kolkata, and Cape Town, discussed the current conjuncture of racism, class relations, and nationalisms. Together, the essays and findings of the workshops provide a basis for a “practice of theory” that Race, Nation, Class advocates, and which is urgently needed in the current global predicament
The work of German oncologist Ferdinand Blumenthal in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1933-1937.
No full textAfter the adoption of racial laws in Germany, the well-known German oncologist Ferdinand Blumenthal, one of the founders of cancer research in Germany, left the Third Reich and arrived in Belgrade in October 1933. A German oncologist working in interwar Yugoslavia is interesting for the history of the development of Yugoslav cancer research, which at the time was still in its infancy
Neoliberal Instrumentalism and the Fight Against it: the We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own Movement
No full textThe article focuses on the new anti-neoliberal social movements in post-Socialist Serbia, most notably the Belgrade movement “ We Won’ t Let Belgrade D(r)own” . It does this by proposing an
analytical framework for analysing the way they deploy their critique of what the authors term “ neoliberal instrumentalism”, a discourse of justification that legitimises the curtailing of
democracy in the name of economic efficiency. The article also addresses Igor Štiks’ s “ disaggregation thesis” and suggests that, rather than being a “ failure” , the disaggregation of the
movements such as “ We Won’ t Let Belgrade D(r)own” at the initial stage of their development can be an advantage for mobilising specific segments of the population
Economics and Morality: How to Reconcile Economic Thinking with Broader Social Thinking
No full textIn contrast to the neo-liberal ideology which dominates much of
modern economic discourse, virtue ethics embraces the same set of morality
for both private and public sphere. In this paper we argue that virtue ethics
need nevertheless not at all be in clash with contemporary economic theory.
Linking the preferences represented by utility functions in neoclassical
economics and the system of values which inspires them can in our view
align economic thinking with broader social thinking. Using this novel
approach, we demonstrate that many economic and social problems can be
solved so as to arrive at efficient outcomes and a higher expected level of
utility compared to a case with separate public and private moralities. For
addressing the problems characteristic of small open economies, our virtue ethics
perspective on economics supports some government intervention as
well as cooperation and solidarity between societies in a similar situation
U kom smislu su tačno ljudska bića više politička prema Aristotelu?
No full textAccording to Aristotle, human beings are by nature political animals. It
is now common knowledge that being political is not a human privilege
for him: bees, wasps, ants and cranes are other political species. Although
they are not the only political animals, human beings, for Aristotle, are
still more political than the other political animals. The present article
investigates the precise sense of this comparison; and it claims that the
higher degree of human politicalness is not to be explained by reference
to those exclusively human features like having capacity for speech and
moral perception. It is claimed that human beings are more political rather
because they live in a multiplicity of communities differing in form.Prema Aristotelu, ljudska bića su po prirodi političke životinje. Sada je već opštepoznato da bivanje političkim prema njemu nije privilegija ljudi: pčele, ose, mravi i ždralovi su takođe političke vrste. Iako nisu jedine političke životinje, ljudska bića su, prema Aristotelu, ipak više politička u odnosu na druge političke životinje. U članku se ispituje precizno značenje ovog poređenja; i iznosi se tvrdnja da se veći stepen ljudske političnosti ne može objasniti ukazivanjem na isključivo ljudske osobine, kao što su posedovanje kapaciteta za govor i moralno opažanje. Umesto toga, iznosi se tvrdnja da su ljudska bića više politička zato što žive u mnoštvu zajednica koje se razlikuju po formi
Slušajući glasove: Paul Celan sa Bernhardom Valdenfelsom
No full textThe paper discusses voice as a medium of human communication through
the indirect approach of listening. After designating the multifaceted
nature of the voice, the author dedicates attention to Bernhard Waldenfels’
theory of the voice as developed on the basis of the phenomenology of
the alien. According to Waldenfels, the polyphony of the vocal, in which
the own and the alien re-sound in mutual permeation, calls for the
possibility of responsive listening. In the concluding portion of the article,
the author takes into consideration one of the poems from the cycle
“Stimmen” (“Voices”) that Paul Celan published in the collection Sprachgitter.
With regard also to Celan’s auto-poetological writings, the ensuing
interpretation attempts to briefly sketch the contours of the anti-politics
of voice.Članak razmatra glas kao medijum ljudske komunikacije posredstvom indirektnog pristupa slušanju. Nakon što je naznačio složenu prirodu glasa, autor posvećuje pažnju teoriji glasa Bernharda Valdenfelsa, razvijene na osnovama fenomenologije stranog. Prema Valdenfelsu, polifonija vokalnog, u kojoj vlastito i strano odzvanjaju u međusobnom prožimanju, ohrabruje mogućnost responzivnog slušanja. U zaključnom delu članka autor uzima u razmatranje jednu od pesama iz ciklusa nazvanog „Glasovi“ („Stimmen“), koju je Pol Celan objavio u zbirci Sprachgitter. Imajući u vidu i Celanove autopoetološke spise, interpretacija će nastojati da kratko skicira konture anti-politike glasa
Zwischen Philosophie und Staat: Hegels Dialektik der Freiheitsinstitutionalisierung
No full textHegel betrachtet in seinem philosophischen System die verschiedenen Bestimmungen der Freiheit; er unterscheidet die subjektive, objektive und absolute Freiheit. In dieser Arbeit wird mich primär die Dialektik der objektiven Freiheit interessieren, die Hegel am Niveau der Staats- und Geschichtsphilosophie einführt, um danach die Problematik der Geschichtlichkeit der objektiven Freiheit auszulegen, und schließlich zu behaupten, dass der Freiheitsbegriff erst am Niveau des absoluten Geistes die Qualität der wahren Geschichtlichkeit bekommt. Damit wird im Denken ein Raum geöffnet um eine These von der dialektischen Spannung, die in der Hegelschen Auffassung der erfüllenden Freiheit in beiden Niveaus seines Systems anwesend ist, aufzustellen: Nämlich, im Staat als Erreichung der konkreten Freiheit innerhalb der Objektivität des Geistes, als auch im scheinbaren a-politischen Freiheitsbegriff in der Sphäre des absoluten Geistes, bzw. der Sphäre des konkreten Denkens, der Sphäre der Philosophie selbst.Hegel considers, in his system of philosophy, different specifications of freedom; he distinguishes between subjective, objective and absolute freedom. I am interested, in this paper, primarily in the dialectics of objective freedom, which Hegel introduces in his Philosophy of Law, in order to point out the problematics of the historicity of objective freedom, and to argue that the concept of freedom gains the quality of true historicity only at the level of the absolute spirit. This will allow me to open the space, within my argument, for presenting the thesis about the dialectical gap which is present in Hegel’s understanding of the perfection of freedom at two different levels of his system: in the state as attaining the concreteness of freedom in the domain of the objectivity of the spirit, as well as in the apparently apolitical notion of freedom in the sphere of the absolute spirit, that is, in the sphere of concrete thinking, the sphere of philosophy itself
Against the Spirit of Rebellion. A Traditionalists Condemnation of the Philosophy of Reformation and Revolution
No full textU prvom dijelu članka izlaže se tradicionalistička kritika Francuske revolucije, prvenstveno
kroz autore Josepha de Maistrea i Edmunda Burkea. Drugi dio posvećen je recepciji protestantizma
katoličke reakcije, naročito s obzirom na detektiranje »duha pobune« u njemu,
kao jezgra onog držanja ili mentaliteta koji će obilježiti nastupajuće subverzivne političke i
društvene prevrate. Zaključni dio rada prikazuje utjecaje i obrade rane konzervativne misli
u suvremenosti, nalazeći da je ona, u istrajnom proturječju prema radikalnoj društvenoj
reformi, imala ulogu ponekad razložne opomene i, rjeđe, korektiva pretencioznim revolucionarnim
zahvatima.In the first part of the paper, the traditionalistic critique of the French Revolution is presented, primarily through the characters of Joseph de Maistre and Edmund Burke. The second part is dedicated to the reception of the Protestantism of the Catholic reaction, especially in the view of detecting the ‘spirit of rebellion' in it, as the nucleus of the posture or mentality that will mark the emerging subversive political and social upheavals. The concluding part of the paper exposes the influence and treatment of early conservative thought in modernity, finding that, in a persistent struggle against radical social reform, it sometimes had the role of the reasonable warning and, more rarely, the corrective of pretentious revolutionary interventions
Reč laureata
No full textNagrada 'Nikola Milošević' - najbolјa knjiga iz oblasti teorije književnosti i umetnosti, estetike i filozofije za 2018. godinu