University of Arts in Belgrade
Digital Repository of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of BelgradeNot a member yet
4571 research outputs found
Sort by
Ontologization and Pre-theoretical Concept of Practice. Further Reflections on the Problem of Heidegger’s Practical Philosophy
No full textObwohl in der Forschung nicht selten vorkommt, dass Heideggers Gedanken im Lichte des Verhältnisses zwischen Theorie und Praxis betrachtet werden, nimmt Heidegger selbst eine Position gegen diese Dichotomie ein. Um die Kritik Heideggers an dieser Dichotomie und seine Konzeption der ursprünglichen Einheit zwischen Theorie und Praxis zu verstehen, muss Heideggers Lektüre der aristotelischen praktischen Philosophie genauer betrachtet werden. Hier wird versucht zu zeigen, dass Heideggers Ontologisierung der Praxis darauf abzielt, einen vortheoretischen, zur Einheit der Theorie und Poiesis unterschiedlichen Praxisbegriff herauszuarbeiten. Die Ontologisierung kommt durch die Methode der formalen Anzeige zustande, die in diesem Sinne im Mittelpunkt Heideggers Philosophie steht.Although it is not rare in research to consider Heidegger’s thoughts in the light of the relationship between theory and practice, Heidegger behaves himself against this dichotomy. In order to understand Heidegger’s criticism of this dichotomy and his conception of the original unity between theory and practice, we must trace back to Heidegger’s reading of Aristotle’s practical philosophy. It is attempted to show that Heidegger’s ontologization of practice aims at elaborating the pre-theoretical concept of practice, which is in contrast to the unity of theory and poiesis. The ontologization is realized through the method of formal indication, which in this sense is at the center of Heidegger’s philosophy
Against the Individual. Deindividualized Political Subject
No full textAutorica u tekstu polazi od premise da je politički subjekt neoliberalizma, vladajuće političke
racionalnosti, individua koja se može okarakterizirati kao isključivi i nepodijeljeni posjednik samog sebe. Preispitivanjem tropa ne/ovisnosti razlažu se pretpostavke koje su uključene u pojam individue, a potom se, analizom konteksta njegove upotrebe u 19. stoljeću, pokazuje da je on bremenit genealogijama koje ograničavaju njegovu političku upotrebljivost u 21. stoljeću. Misliti protiv neoliberalizma zahtijeva napuštanje ideje individue kao suverenog vlasnika koji vlada sobom. Promišljanje alternativnog političkog horizonta, traganje za homo politicus-om koji se uistinu razlikuje od homo oeconomicus-a, iziskuje napuštanje političkog mišljenja koje polazi od pojedinca.The text is based on two premises. The first is that we live in the times of neoliberalism, and
the second is that the political subject of neoliberalism is the individual, the “one” qualified as
indivisible, independent, sole owner of one’s self. To define what an individual is, I will revisit
several 19th-century claims which at the same time posit individual as an empty universal – anyone qualifies for entitlement of an individual – and reveal it as profoundly exclusionary – as
the holder of entitlements. I will claim that the indivisibility of an individual is also the basis for
its understanding as sovereign and self-actualized. Liberal politicization of a sovereign possessor of interests introduces not only homo oeconomicus, but it also integrates economic mode of
governmentality into the sphere of the political, it becoming a space of incessant play of exclusions and inclusions. If another kind of political imaginary is to be developed, I argue we need
to distance ourselves from the figure of the individual, bearing in mind that homo oeconomicus
triumphs today as the exhaustive figure of the human, amidst the patently unequal distribution
not only of precarity but also of vulnerability. Critical engagement with neoliberalism assumes
engaging with the political centrality of a figure of an agentic individua
National Human Rights Institutions and Oversight of the Security Services
No full textIn the last twenty years, independent national institutions mandated to protect and promote human rights (NHRIs) have changed the global human rights architecture, positioning themselves as indispensable interlocutors when discussing states’ human rights records. Nevertheless, despite having a broad mandate, comparative experiences have shown that NHRIs rarely exploit the possibility to oversee the security sector. Academic literature on NHRIs also provides little information on their role in oversight of the security sector in general, let alone the security services. That is surprising, considering that actions of the security services may interfere with human rights in unparalleled way, as they are authorized to use special measures to penetrate deep into the private lives of citizens. This article seeks to contribute to the mainstreaming of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight by further exploring their unique mandate, added value and comparative advantages. It shows that the specific nature of the NHRI makes this institution well placed to make a substantial contribution to effective protection of the rights and freedoms of citizens affected by activities of the security services. We start with positioning NHRIs in the security sector and defining their general role in it. We then offer a comparative overview of powers and practices of NHRIs and lay down preconditions for NHRIs’ effective actorness in security sector oversight. We then move to a case study of the Serbian
Ombudsman, as a practical exemplar of the role of NHRIs in security services oversight. We conclude with an overview of the results, their practical implications and the avenues for further research
Tragovi sećanja i tragom prošlosti
No full textUvodni članak knjjige "Graničnici sećanja - jevrejsko nasleđe i Holokaust" prikazuje i obrazlaže tri odeljka koji osvetljavaju mnoštvo linija koje povezuju narative post-sećanja i modalitete rekontrukcije i razumevanja prošlosti. Predstavljene studije slučaja i teorijski pristupi kulturnom sećanju pokazuju raznovrsnost, bogatstvo i značaj studija sećanja i jevrejskih studija u Srbiji. Niz narativa ukazuje na rekonstrukcije prošlosti – kulture, Holokausta, dnevnog života i istorije – postavljenih u interdsiciplinarni teorijski i analitički kontekst post-sećanja, reprezentacije, afekata, odgovornosti, svedočenja, kulture, umetnosti, obrazovanja, medija i etike. Fokus nije samo ma raznorodnim narativima epske i melodramske magnitude – koji inače oslobađaju Holokaust etičkih i estetičkih zabrana i granica reprezentacije – već na lokalnom kontekstu i faktografi – mikrostorijama zaboravljenih umetnika, insitucija, zajednica, istorijskih epizoda, ali u čijem je središtu opet neizbežno upisan Holokaust
Virtuelno sećanje: edukacija o Holokaustu u informacionom dobu
No full textIstraživanje "virtuelnog sećanja" ili sećanja u informacionom i digitalnom dobu postaje posebno značajna praksa u svetlu rastuće primene tehnologije u predstavljanju Šoe i transformaciji obrazovnih metodologija. Ključna pitanja postaju održiva budućnost i očuvanje digitalno pohranjenog sećanja (dokumenta, svedočenja, fotografija, filmova, knjiga itd.), kao i medijska arheologija reprezentacije Holokausta u informacionom dobu. Artikulacija društvenog sećanja na Holokaust se menja, bilo da govorimo o tehnološkim procesima medijskog posredovanja, koje proučava digitalna humanistika, ili promenama u konzumiranju i plasiranju informacija u okviru insitucija sećanja (arhiva, muzeja, biblioteka) i šire
Assemblage or Totality? The Paradoxes of Political Organization in Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari
No full textIn this article I focus on two conceptual understandings of political organization and disorganization: Totality and Assemblage—central to the philosophies of Hegel and Deleuze/Guattari (subsequently referred to as “D/G”), respectively. Although these concepts possess a primarily ontological meaning in the works of the three philosophers, I will examine them in relation to Hegel’s and D/G’s understanding of political practice. I aim to show that when these two concepts are taken as principal categories of political organization, paradoxes emerge. These paradoxes represent problems in Hegel’s and D/G’s political thought that cannot be resolved through politics itself because they reveal its limits
Introduction
No full textThe practice of translation and role of translators have become central
in the contemporary world. While the practices of translation in the past
were reserved for cultural and national elites who needed to bring classical
texts, such as the Bible or Greek classics, into their own culture, translation
today permeates everyday life and various aspects of society, becoming
one of the most important features of the multilingual world. This is especially relevant in a European context which is historically constituted as a
space of cultural and linguistic differences and where translators always
played an important role. But only in the last decades, with the institutional
organization of Europe, a need for translation has gained new political and
social dimensions. Current debates on the cultural and political identity of
Europe, on a common European language, on different linguistic heritages
in Europe etc., touch, in one way or another, the principle of translatability
and therefore the possibilities (and limits) of exchange between cultures on
the European continent. The linguistic and idiomatic plurality of Europe
shows that its cultures are already in process of translation, translated or
product of translation, inevitably entangled in other cultural horizon
Preko granica rodne neravnopravnosti u akademiji
No full textU fokusu ove studije nalazi se moć delanja žena koje zauzimaju istaknute funkcije na državnim univerzitetima u Srbiji. Pošli smo od pretpostavke da su naše akterke, najobrazovanije žene u ovom društvu, one čija moć delanja može da doprinese unapređenju položaja drugih žena. Budući da žene čine najveći deo zaposlenih u obrazovanju i nauci, njihovo prisustvo i osvajanje pozicija u sferama koje im po tradiciji ne pripadaju, od značaja su i za eliminisanje rodnih nejednakosti i stereotipnih stavova i u široj društvenoj zajednici. Želeli smo da ispitamo kako one same sagledavaju svoj životni i karijerni put, i da li smatraju da je biti žena igralo neku ulogu na tom putu. Dekonstrukcijom uvreženih, ali i onih manje primetnih stereotipa, težili smo da omeđimo granice rodne ravnopravnosti u najobrazovanijim krugovima našeg društva, u kom i dalje preovlađuje patrijarhalna matrica. Motner i Edvards (Mauthner & Edwards 2010) razlikuju žene od feministkinja na položajima u akademiji, gde potonje karakteriše svest o rodnoj neravnopravnosti kao intersekcionalnom fenomenu koji prožima visoko obrazovanje i nauku, kao i posvećenost promenama u pravcu veće društvene jednakosti. Polazeći od ove distinkcije, namera nam je bila da mapiramo da li među akterkama, ali i akterima studije, postoji feminističko liderstvo i potencijal za promene zatečenog stanja
