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Collective Intentionality and Autism: Against the Exclusion of the “Social Misfits”
No full textThe paper aims to shed light on Searle’s notion of collective intentionality (CI) as a primitive phenomenon shared by all humans. The latter could be problematic given that there are individuals who are unable to grasp collective intentionality and fully collaborate within the framework of “we-intentionality”. Such is the case of individuals with autism, given that the lack of motivation and skills for sharing psychological states with others is one of the diagnostic criteria for Autistic Spectrum Disorders (ASD). The paper will argue that exclusion of individuals with autism is not a threat for Searle’s notion of collective intentionality, as the notion can be read as merely a biological disposition that all human beings share. Furthermore, the paper proposes the extension of Searle’s concept of CI so it can include behaviors of individuals who have the disposition towards CI, but which was not evolved through ontogenesis; namely, for individuals with autism.Članak teži da osvetli Serlov pojam kolektivne intencionalnosti (KI) kao primitivan fenomen koga dele sva ljudska bića. Ovo poslednje može biti problematično, pošto postoje pojedinci koji nisu sposobni da razumeju kolektivnu intencionalnosti u potpunosti sarađuju unutar okvira „mi-intencionalnosti“. Ovo je slučaj sa pojedincima koji boluju od autizma, pošto je nedostatak motivacije i veština za deljenje psiholoških stanja sa drugima jedan od kriterijuma dijagnoze Spektra autističkih poremećaja (ASD). Ovaj članak tvrdi da isključivanje pojedinaca sa autizmom nije pretnja za Serlovo shvatanje kolektivne intencionalnosti, jer se ona može tumačiti kao prosta biološka dispozicija koju sva ljudska bića dele. U nastavku, članak predlaže proširenje Serlovog shvatanja KI tako da uključuje ponašanja pojedinaca koji imaju dispoziciju za KI, ali koja se nije razvila kroz ontogenezu: naime, pojedinaca sa autizmom
How to “Expand Popular Capacities”? Some Critical Observations on Political Culture in the Western Balkans
No full textMax Bergholz, Nasilje kao generativna sila: identitet, nacionalizam i sjećanje u jednoj balkanskoj zajednici, prev. Senada Kreso, Buybook, Sarajevo, 2018
No full textKsenija Šulović, Hose Ortega i Gaset – život i delo sa bibliografijom, Filozofski fakultet, Novi Sad, 2019
No full textMiloš Ćipranić
(Ksenija Šulović, Hose Ortega i Gaset – život i delo sa bibliografijom, Filozofski fakultet, Novi Sad, 2019
Mogućnosti unapređenja nastave sociologije: Analiza povezanosti okvira kvalifikacija na sekundarnom i tercijarnom nivou obrazovanja u Srbiji
No full textProces reforme sistema kvalifikacija u Srbiji započet je 2001. godine, pre svega pod uticajem stvaranja Evropskog prostora visokog obrazovanja kojim sunačinjeni preduslovi za razvoj opšteg okvira kvalifikacija za visoko obrazovanje.Reforma tadašnjeg sistema kvalifikacija u Srbiji zahtevala je odgovor na potrebetržišta rada, čiji se razvoj odigravao u novim socio-ekonomskim okolnostima. Izradanovog sistema kvalifikacija od početka procesa je realizovana kroz dve odvojeneaktivnosti − razvoj okvira kvalifikacija za srednje i za visoko obrazovanje, beznjihovog međusobnog usklađivanja. Iako je razvoj pojedinačnih okvira kvalifikacijaza različite nivoe obrazovanja neophodan za razvoj nacionalnog okvira kvalifikacija,naša hipoteza je da odvojeni okviri ni danas nisu međusobno koherentni, da nedefinišu precizno kvalifikacije koje su neophodne za prelazak iz jednog nivoaobrazovanja u drugi, kada je reč o sociologiji kao nastavnom predmetu, te da ovakvasituacija utiče i na samo profilisanje budućih sociologa. Namera nam je da u ovomradu problematizujemo takav pristup razvoju opšteg okvira kvalifikacija kroz analizusadržaja domaćeg normativnog okvira, koji se odnosi na opšte ishode učenja nastavesociologije na sekundarnom i tercijarnom nivou obrazovanja
Почему ʽвеликая войнаʼ была ʽвеликойʼ? Война как философская проблема в дебатах межвоенного периода
No full textKamilo Horvatin: A Forgotten Candidate for General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
No full textČlanak je prilog malo poznatom, ali ključnom periodu u povijesti Komunističke partije Jugoslavije. Predmet istraživanja je Kamilo Horvatin, koji je nakon hapšenja Milana Gorkića u kolovozu 1937. bio kandidat za generalnog sekretara KPJ, mnogo prije nego što je Kominterna počela razmatrati druge komuniste, poput Josipa Broza Tita, Labuda Kusovca, Ive Marića ili Petka Miletića. Članak prikazuje politički razvoj Horvatina, njegov položaj u Kominterni, kao i njegovu dvostruku aktivnost od ljeta 1937. do proljeća 1938. godine – kao denuncijatora i kandidata za rukovodstvo. Članak će pomoći ne samo razjašnjavanju sudbine jednog zaboravljenog aktera u KPJ tokom Velike čistke, nego i razumijevanju mehanizama Kominterne, odnosno načina na koji su jugoslavenski komunisti potkazivani i, još značajnije, kako se i po kojim kriterijima odvijao proces pronalaženja novog generalnog sekretara nakon hapšenja Gorkića. Stoga ovo nije priča samo o Kamilu Horvatinu, nego o KPJ kao cjelini u jednom od najvažnijih momenata u njenoj povijesti – razdoblju koje je kulminiralo dolaskom Josipa Broza Tita na čelo partije.This article deals with the hitherto unknown story of Kamilo Horvatin as a candidate for the
position of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) in 1937-1938.
A veteran communist, Horvatin worked as a party representative to the Comintern at the time
when the General Secretary of the party, Milan Gorkić, was arrested by the NKVD in August
1937. For the next six months, under the patronage of Wilhelm Pieck, Horvatin became the
only trustworthy Yugoslav communist in the eyes of the Comintern. That was long before
any of his rivals, such as Josip Broz Tito or Petko Miletić, were considered for the leadership
position.
Horvatin was both a denouncer of his fellow party comrades and a leadership candidate
with constructive proposals on how to renew the work of the KPJ. He was the first person
within the KPJ to suggest that traitors and police agents might infiltrate to the top party positions, and he distrusted all the other leading communists. Simultaneously, he juxtaposed his
own vision of the Popular Front – in which the KPJ played a leading role on the anti-fascist
left – with the earlier design of Gorkić, which Horvatin claimed resulted in the communists’
submission to the bourgeois opposition. Horvatin also hoped to move the party leadership
back to Yugoslavia, as it had been scattered around Europe due to police repression. Finally, he
wanted to rely on union leaders within the party to form a new leadership, picking cadres who
had previously belonged to the “left” faction in the KPJ.
Most of Horvatin’s policy proposals were later put into action by Josip Broz Tito, although
evidence shows that the two did not have any mutual contact at the time. Horvatin, previously
close to Tito, began to see him as another potential spy from Gorkić’s inner circle, and wrote
very negatively of him. Unlike Horvatin, Tito was a worker rather than an intellectual, and was
largely untainted by factional disputes among Yugoslav émigrés in Moscow. This helps partially
explain why Tito survived and went on to become the new general secretary, while Horvatin
was arrested in February 1938 and shot a month later.
This article helps us understand not only the forgotten life story of a particular Yugoslav
communist, but the broader dynamics of repression and politics within the KPJ in this period.
Rather than micromanaging Yugoslav party affairs, the Comintern expected the Yugoslavs to
sort out their problems independently. The general directives and the final word came from
the Comintern, but the members of the KPJ were not to be mere passive observers – they
were expected to come up with constructive policy proposals. Those who offered a clear vision
for the future, first Horvatin and then Tito, eventually managed to gain the attention of the
Comintern
