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Parliamentary Boycotts in the Western Balkans: Case Study, Serbia
No full textThis case study describes the boycotts of parliament in Serbia since the multi-party elections in 1990, with a special focus on the 2019 boycott, as well as the main reasons behind and the effects of these boycotts. The research used the data from the literature and newspapers about the parliamentary boycotts from 1990 to 2019, the Open Parliament Initiative data on the conditions in parliament in the current session, as well as the original data obtained on the 2019 boycott through a survey of MPs and opinion polling. Our study shows that boycotts in Serbia are not a frequent phenomenon. The ethnic minority parties first started boycotts of parliament as early as the first multi-party elections in 1990. The first boycott of parliament by a nationwide group of opposition parties was in 1995 and was caused by the ending of live broadcasts of parliamentary sessions. On two occasions a single opposition party boycotted parliament for a prolonged period of time in 2000 and 2005. Finally, the 2019 boycott of parliament is only the fourth identified boycott, and the most radical since 1995. Due to the importance and the relevance of the ongoing boycott, we focus on the conditions in the 2016 parliament, especially the blocking of the minority’s role in the legislative and oversight functions of parliament, as well as the specific phenomenon of majority filibustering, effectively disabling the debate about the laws, which became a permanent feature in parliament from December 2017. The 2019 boycott was in the making since the “boycott of warning” in May 2017; however it accelerated from autumn 2018 in the context of mass protests and the formation of a coalition of opposition parties. Out of 88 opposition MPs, 55 MPs participate in the boycott. They explain their decision in terms of dissatisfaction with parliament’s performance and the reaction to the demands of the protesters. Their primary stated aim is to put pressure on the majority and change practices in parliament. However, polling in March 2019 showed that support for the boycott is not as widespread in the general public. Boycotts in Serbia usually occur in circumstances of pronounced power asymmetry between the majority government and the opposition minority. Boycotts are primarily a means for the minority to resolve the inability to communicate their messages to their voters through parliament. They usually happen in conjunction with other political developments, such as elections, mass protests and the formation of opposition party coalitions. As such, they are a product of the need to attain both internal (fixing parliamentary procedures) and external (mobilising voters) goals. In the Serbian experience they usually lack a clear strategy and do not escalate over time. As for the effects, in the short term, the effects on the legal/regulative environment are not significant. The boycotts might however have some effects in institutional terms, particularly on the legitimacy of appointees by parliament. The majority usually responds initially to the boycotts with disdain, however it might ultimately respond to the demands of the minority. The support for the boycotts is mixed in the electorate, and very low among international political actors. Finally, if prolonged/escalated, or continued into an election boycott, the boycott of parliament might lead to either further marginalisation of opposition actors or of parliament itself
Ideology and its relation to culture in the work of Stuart Hall
No full textGlavnu temu rada čini Holovo shvatanje ideologije. Da bismo ovo
objasnili prvo ćemo elaborirati njegovu teorijsku poziciju i shvatanje društva
kao kompleksnog totaliteta međupovezanih elemenata. U okviru ovoga ćemo
prikazati kako Hol objašnjava odnos kulture sa ostalim elementima društvenog
totaliteta.Njegovo shvatanje ideologije biće podeljeno na dva dela: prikaz njenog
(1) internog mehanizma funckionisanja i (2) prikaz njenih efekata. U okviru
prvog dela objasnićemo odnos ideologije i kulture u njegovoj teoriji. Potom ćemo
prikazati kritike Holovog shvatanja ideologije kao i rešenja koja on nudi za
njih. Na kraju ćemo ukazati na epistemološki problem odnosa njegove teorije
ideologije sa kriterijumom naučne objektivnosti kao kontradikcije koju on ne
uspeva da reši.The main subject of this paper is Halls understanding of ideology.In order to explain this we will first elaborate his theoretical position and hisunderstanding of society as a complex totality of interconnected elements. In this part we will also show how Hall explains the relationship of culture to other elements of the social totality. His understanding of ideology will be divided into two sections: (1) the elaboration of its internal mechanism of operation and (2 )the elaboration of its effects. In the first part we will explain the relationship ofculture and ideology in his theory. Afterwards we will show some criticism of Halls understanding of ideology as well as some of the solutions to them that Hallprovides. In the end we will point to the epistemological problem of the relationship of his theory to the criteria of scientific objectivity as a contradiction that he doesn’tmanage to solve
Social Connections and Wellbeing
No full textFears, attitudes, closeness of different social categories and media use were explored by through the Results of Oxford Happiness Inventory and Multiple Lickert scale. Findings include that happier individuals are better connected to their family, express positive stands on teachers, professors, sport workers and members of some nations. These notions are connected to results of previous research inquiries about wellbeing and increased agreeableness, increased extroversion, increased openness to experience and decreased neuroticism
Jустинолошке студије у српском и европском контексту: Studia Iustiniаna Serbica – collationes
No full textПоводом 125 година од рођења и 40 година од упокојења Јустина Поповића, 10. и 11. маја 2019. године у организацији Института за филозофију и друштвену теорију и Православног богословског факултета Универзитета у Београду и Центра за византијско- словенске студије Универзитета у Нишу, одржана је међународна научна конференција "Мисао и мисија Светог Јустина Поповића" на Институту за филозофију и друштвену теoрију у Београду
Further Development of the Short Psychopathy Rating Scale
No full textIn the present work we describe the further development of the Short Psychopathy Rating Scale (SPRS), a 9 item inventory for measuring three psychopathy traits: Deceitfulness, Emotional coldness and Recklessness. We administered this inventory on a sample of 210 students (76% females, Mage=21.21; SD=2.10) who rated their parents on psychopathic traits. Analyses were conducted on 373 participants (54% females, Mage=51.47; SD=5.91). We calculated Cronbach's α coefficient as a reliability estimate, tested the latent structure of the construct using Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and explored the validity of the SPRS scales by examining their relations with Triarchic Psychopathy Measure. Psychopathy scales showed acceptable reliabilities, having in mind that all scales consisted of 3 items (αs in range from .60 to .68). CFA showed good fit for the SPRS model:
χ²(24)=85.57; p<.01; NFI=.88; CFI=.91; RMSEA=.078. Predictable sex differences were found - males had significantly higher scores on all three psychopathy traits. Finally, the validity of the SPRS scales was determined by establishing relations with psychopathy traits of Triarchic Psychopathy Measure: Meanness, Boldness and Disinhibition. Deceitfulness showed unique relations with Boldness, Emotional coldness with Meanness, and Recklessness with Disinhibition, as expected. In sum, SPRS measures showed acceptable reliabilities, adequate factor structure and excellent convergent and divergent validity. However, there is still room for improvement, especially in elevating scale reliabilities
Война и ответственность в рефлексии интеллектуалов (1918-1938)
No full textВ монографии в оригинальном ракурсе рассматривается Первая мировая война и ставится ряд существенных вопросов, которые сохраняют свое значение и по сей день. Внимание исследователей фокусируется на фигуре "ангажированного интеллектуала", который как влиятельный игрок вырос в период, непосредственно предшествовавший войне, и является ответственным за ее развязывание (принятие, прославление, оправдание). Интеллектуал, сталкивающийся с вызовами важнейших исторических событий, оказывается вовлечен в социокультурные процессы конструирования новой коллективной идентичности в условиях развала империй и берет на себя ответственность за будущее. Авторы создают единую площадку для понимания способов, роли и значения интеллектуальной рефлексии в мире современной культуры. Потому в поле зрения исследователей включены как опубликованные тексты разных жанров, отражающих богатство реакций на войну, так и эго-документы, свидетельствующие о внутренней работе интеллектуалов по осмыслению опыта войны, роли интеллектуального класса в обществе, его идентичности и ответственности в ситуации трансформирующихся обществ. Методологически анализ текстов реализовывается как аналитическое и симптоматическое чтение, которое позволит не столько интерпретировать очевидные цели и концепты мыслителя, но отыскать скрытые значения, репрезентирующие специфику "пере-означения" ключевых понятий (война, империя, интеллектуал и его роль) в межвоенный период. Исследуется также историко-культурный контекст, задающий выбор темы рефлексии интеллектуалов России, Франции, Австрии, Германии, Испании, Японии
The Symbolism of Impotence: Intellectuals and Serbian-Albanian relations in a Post-Yugoslav Period
No full textIntellectuals are very important social actors, particularly conspicuous in societies
dominated by nationalism, because they have the capacity to sift through
a rich national/ethnic tradition, selecting specific moments and elements, which
they then combine or emphasize in such a way as to create causal explanations,
thus producing a given national ideology. They are, therefore, an irreplaceable
ally to different fractions of political elites, when they are not themselves in positions
of political power. Their primary role is the production of political ideas and
ideals, among which the concept of the nation ranks highly. The history of eastern
and southeastern Europe, as well as many other parts of the world, testifies to the
the important position of intellectuals from the formation of the very first national
movements, all the way to the present, where they are commonly engaged as
leaders of the government opposition or pillars and legitimizers of the powers
that be
Vivian Liska, German-Jewish Thought and Its Afterlife: A Tenuous Legacy, Bloomington, University of Indiana Press, 2017
No full textChristian Personalism as a Source of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
No full textTo mark the 70th anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the author embarked on an attempt to analyze the theoretical and historical framework that contributed to the adoption of the document. The first part of the article discusses the development of the philosophy of personalism from Mounier to Maritain and analyzes Maritain’s views on human rights. In the second part of the article, the author shows the decisive influence of the personalists Charles Malik and Rene Cassin on the adoption of the document, which clearly bears the mark of the Christian personalistic discourse and notions.Povodom 70. godišnjice usvajanja Univerzalne deklaracije o ljudskim pravima, autor je po-kušao da analizira teorijski i istorijski okvir koji je doprineo usvajanju dokumenta. Prvi deo članka razmatra razvoj filozofije personalizma od Munijea do Maritena i analizira Maritenove poglede na ljudska prava. U drugom delu članka autor pokazuje odlučujući uticaj ličnosti Čarlsa Malika i Rene Kasana na usvajanje dokumenta, koji jasno nosi oznaku diskursa i poj-mova hrišćanskog personalizma