University of Arts in Belgrade
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Как (и когда) положить конец войне (войнам)?
В книге, посвященной 190-летию со дня рождения Л.Н. Толстого, отечествен-
ные и зарубежные философы и филологи представили современное понимание
войны и мира, насилия и ненасилия, которые являются самыми навязчивыми и па-
радоксальными феноменами человеческого существования и сопровождают чело-
вечество с момента их появления и по сей день, принимая различные обличья: от
архаического набега и первобытной солидарности, жертвоприношения и «трубки
мира» до современных войн и мирных договоров, террористических актов и ми-
ротворческих акций. Идеи и теоретические позиции авторов часто не совпадают
и составляют полемический и диалогический контекст книги.
Издание адресовано специалистам в области философии, культурологии и по-
литологии, преподавателям и аспирантам вузов, всем интересующимся философи-
ей, историей культуры и литературы
Dragan Bulatović, Umetnost i muzealnost: istorijsko-umetnički govor i njegovi muzeološki ishodi, Galerija Matice srpske, Novi Sad, 2016
Dragan Bulatović, Umetnost i muzealnost: istorijsko-umetnički govor i njegovi muzeološki ishodi, Galerija Matice srpske, Novi Sad, 201
Mark Lošonc i Predrag Krstić (ur.), Holokaust i filozofija, Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd, 2018
Mark Lošonc i Predrag Krstić (ur.), Holokaust i filozofija, Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, Beograd, 201
(Nova) Razmišljanja o solidarnosti: od etike zajedništva do političkog principa zajednice
Kakva je priroda odnosa između zajednice i solidarnosti; da li solidarnost konstituiše zajednicu ili, obrnuto, zajednica stvara solidarne veze; ima li solidarnost antagonizujućeg Drugog (solidarna borba protiv) i kako solidarnost konstituiše granice/zidove/mostove između nas i drugih/drugačijih; u čemu se sastoji politička priroda solidarnosti (za razliku od drugih društvenih odnosa pomoći, podrške, saradnje)? Inspirisana stalnom i gorljivom tematizacijom ovih pitanja unutar feminizma, u ovom tekstu ću se pak fokusirati na sam pojam-problem solidarnosti u društvenoj teoriji generalno, uverena da svaka teorijska refleksija o njemu, a naročito o njegovoj podrazumevanoj političkoj dimenziji, mora imati visoku relevantnost i za feministički teorijski i praktični angažman. U tekstu ću se prvo kratko osvrnuti na savremeni kontekst koji je reaktuelizovao interesovanje za solidarnost, te ukazati na pristupe ovoj temi koje lično smatram najproduktivnijim. Taj će me put neminovno dovesti i do problema adekvatne definicije, tj. do razloga zbog kojih je teško precizno definisati solidarnost. Potom ću se opet vratiti na savremenost i neke skorašnje pokušaje teoretisanja i problematizovanja solidarnosti – kao ideje, kao ponašanja, i kao stavova – te pokušati da uočim spone među njima, kao i da ukažem na neka otvorena pitanja i teme za čija dublja istraživanja snažno pledira
Social Engagement and Personal Activism: Some Research Reflection and Fieldnotes from Conversations with Activists in Two Belgrade Protest Initiatives
Konstitutivna pravda i ljudska prava
In order to show the validity of here proposed conception of social ontology and its advantages over descriptive theories of social reality, which in the analysis of the socio-ontological status of human rights find only legally understood normativity as present in social reality, we will first (1) lay out Searle’s interpretation of human rights. In the second step, we will (2) introduce the methodical approach and basic concepts of our socio-ontological position, and explain the structure of the relationship between justice, law, morality, social institutions and collective intentionality. At the end (3) we will show how our theory of social ontology is better than Searle’s legal positivism in examining the ontological status of human rights. At the end, (3) we show in what ways such a theory of social ontology more intuitively and with wider arguments explains the ontological status of institution of human rights than Searle’s legal positivism.Da bismo pokazali valjanost ovde predložene koncepcije socijalne ontologije i njene pred-nosti u odnosu na deskriptivne teorije društvene stvarnosti, koje u analizi socijalno-ontološ-kog statusa ljudskih prava nalaze samo pravno shvaćenu normativnost kao prisutnu u druš-tvenoj stvarnosti, na prvom mestu (1) iznosimo Serleovo tumačenje ljudskih prava. Zatim (2), uvodimo metodski pristup i osnovne pojmove našeg socijalno-ontološkog shvatanja i objaš-njavamo strukturu odnosa pravde, zakona, morala, društvenih institucija i kolektivne inten-cionalnosti. Te na kraju (3) pokazujemo na koji način ovde iznesena teorija socijalne ontolo-gije intuitivnije i sa opširnijim argumentima objašnjava ontološki status institucije ljudskih prava od Serlovog pravnog pozitivizma
Postsocialism and „ordinary“ tourism: New Belgrade
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the emerging practices of the “tourism of the ordinary” in the wider frame of post-socialist transformation of Serbia’s capital city – Belgrade. By sourcing the inspiration in cultural studies and classics of the studies of the ordinary, focus is directed to the patterns of tourism consumption of practices, places and people that do not fall in the category of tourism attraction. The attention is drawn to New Belgrade (Novi Beograd in Serbian), residential part of Belgrade built predominantly after the Second World War. New Belgrade lacks proper tourism infrastructure, commoditized attractions and consumerable tourism experiences on a large scale. Nevertheless, this part of the city is slowly becoming explored by tourists individually or in organized walking or cycling tours. Visits to New Belgrade are most often connected to alternative or hip visitors and have the allure of both urban exploration and cultural practice, as the tours are offered by specialist architectural organizations or individual guides. By introspecting the case of New Belgrade, this paper attempts to address the prospect that ordinary exist only in relation to the attraction and that its appeal comes from the fact that what is ordinary to someone is attraction to another. Design/methodology/approach: As far as specific approach is concerned, some archival and librarian materials have been analyzed in order to map the territory that is being researched (New Belgrade) and to frame the significance of potential heritagisation (Harrison, 2013) on the built environment and its territory. Further, relevant websites and both primary and secondary resources have been consulted. This mostly refers to the websites of Tourist Organization of Belgrade (TOB) and the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments in Belgrade as two most relevant bodies connecting the urban fabric of the city and its tourism valorization. Findings: In this paper, the authors have tried to demonstrate how tourism of the ordinary might be conducted in urban environment that lacks no tangible resources, whose physical physiognomies are not insignificant and which, in another, alternative tourism regime might be considered attractions. However, in the specific set of characteristics spanning from contested past to ambiguous contemporary valorization, New Belgrade remains an uncharted part of the city for much of the mainstream tourism, leaving its charms for very few visitors, most often engaged in interest of the “ordinary.” Originality/value: Although Belgrade is experiencing steady rise in numbers regarding tourist arrivals, length of stay and on-site expenditure, New Belgrade is nowhere to be seen on the map of tourism offer, as per Belgrade’s Tourism Organization. TOB’s official web page, at the time this piece is written, in the section Attractions, mentions nothing regarding New Belgrade. Among 13 entries – 12 are historic sites of more than a century behind them and one is a lake and outdoor destination
Assessing the Relationship between Parliament and Ombudsman: Evidence from Serbia (2007-2016)
The work of parliament and ombudsman is of critical importance for democracy and the rule of law. Still, the relationship between these two institutions is considerably under-researched. This paper aims to contribute to filling this research gap by presenting a set of key criteria for the assessment of their relationship. These are applied in the analysis of the Serbian Parliament’s actions towards the
Ombudsman in the first ten years of operations of this new institution in the Serbian legal and political system on the national level (2007–2016). Results show that the Parliament did not build consistent, predictable and efficient relations with the Ombudsman yet. Instead of being a supreme protector of
the Ombudsman’s independence and its strongest ally in the protection and promotion of human rights, Parliament developed a practice of hampering the Ombudsman’s work. The results may serve as an indicator of the state of democratisation of Serbia, as well as for assessing the level of the Parliament’s institutional maturity. Outside the Serbian context, this study can be a useful source for comparative purposes, given the importance of this issue for all parliamentary ombudsmen, particularly those that are
also national human rights institutions (NHRIs)