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Solidarity and Autonomy in the Context of the Pandemic: Dominant Vocabularies of Critique and an Outline of an Alternative
No full textU radu se analiziraju dominantni rečnici kritike pandemijske politike u Srbiji, koji se posmatraju kao reprezentativni za ocenu emancipa-tornog potencijala pandemije uopšte, u smislu njenog potencijala za delegitimizaciju neoliberalne demokratije. Rad razmatra dva rečnika koji poseduju izvesni kritički potencijal u ovom pogledu – tzv. proce-duralistički liberalno-demokratski i rečnik „života ispred ekonomije“ – da bi zatim ukazao na nemogućnost ovih rečnika da pandemijsku politiku shvate kao formu društvene dominacije kojom se nastoji ot-kloniti pretnja po legitimnost poretka. Autor analizira prirodu domi-nacije koja se može iščitati iz glavnog narativa pandemijske politike – narativa o „nedisciplinovanim građanima“, i zaključuje da je posredi manifestacija „kompleksne dominacije“ (Lik Boltanski) koja posedu-je strukturu „normativnog paradoksa“ (Aksel Honet i Martin Hart-man). Naposletku, rad predstavlja nacrt alternativne leve kritike pandemijske politike koja razvija preliminarni model „intersubjektiv-nog konstituisanja“ lične autonomije unutar demokratske javne sfere kao bazičnog preduslova za osećanje građanske solidarnosti.The paper analyzes dominant vocabularies of the critique of the official Covid-19 pandemic policy in Serbia, which are considered representative of the general emancipatory potential of the pandemic, in the sense of its potential to delegitimize neoliberal democracy. The paper examines two such vocabularies which possess a certain critical potential in this respect – the “proceduralist liberal-democratic” one and the vocabulary of “life before economy” – in order to point to the incapacity of these vocabularies to grasp the state pandemic policy as a form of social domination which counters the threat to the legitimacy of the political order created by the pandemic. The author analyzes the nature of social domination that can be read out of the main narrative of the pandemic policy – the narrative of “undisciplined citizens” – and concludes that this is a type of “complex domination” (Luc Boltanski) which possesses the structure of a “normative paradox” (Axel Honneth and Martin Hartmann). Finally, the paper presents an outline of an alternative left critique of the pandemic policy which formulates a preliminary model of the “intersubjective constitution” of personal autonomy in the democratic public sphere as the basic precondition for the capcacity of citizens to express mutual solidarity
Understanding of Man in the Philosophical Thought of “early” Marx
No full textU radu se razmatra shvatanje čoveka u ranim Marksovim radovima.
Time na videlo izlazi i antropološka osnova Marksove filozofije, a koja
nije samo nedovoljno, nego i pogrešno shvaćena u radovima osnivača
filozofske antropologije kao zasebne filozofske poddiscipline (prvenstveno kod Šelera). U radu će se insistirati na jedinstvu antropologije
i povesti, koje Marks preuzima od Hegela.The paper discusses the understanding of man in Marx’s early works. This brings to
light the anthropological basis of Marx’s philosophy, which is not only insufficiently
considered, but also misunderstood in the works of the founders of philosophical anthropology (primarily in Scheler). The paper will insist on the unity of anthropology
and history, an idea Marx took over from Hegel’s work
Evropsko građanstvo i ustavni patriotizam: ka solidarnijoj Evropi
No full textPandemija korona virusa ponovo je stavila na agendu pitanje solidarnosti i ekonomske
redistribucije unutar Evropske unije. Zdravstveni sistemi država Juga su najpogođeniji
pandemijom, a posledično je došlo i do ekonomske i socijalne krize. Zahtev za
preraspodelom bogatstva, mutualizacijom dugova i zajedničkim finansiranjem
ekonomskog oporavka u početku nije naišao na odobravanje „štedljivih“ država Evrope.
Za razliku od rasprava o krizi evropskog duga vođenih nakon Svetske ekonomske krize
iz 2008. ovoga puta krizu su proizveli eksterni faktori, što je otupelo snagu argumenata
zasovanih na navodnoj neodgovornosti pojedinih država. Istraživanje naručeno od
strane Evropskog parlamenta iz maja 2020. pokazuje da je 34% ispitanih stanovnika
Evropske unije zadovoljno nivoom solidarnosti između država u borbi protiv pandemije
(Kantar, 2020), što navodi na potragu za mehanizmima koji bi garantovali veću
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solidarnost unutar ovog poretka. Autor polazi od pretpostavke da je nadnacionalno
udruživanje neophodno radi uklanjanja negativnih efekata ekonomske globalizacije i
odbacuje suverenističke odgovore. U tekstu ispituje pojam evropskog građanstva, te
kako ovaj koncept može pospešiti stvaranje solidarnijeg poretka. Problem posebno
predstavlja činjenica da ono što je „urgentno potrebno da se uradi je ekstremno
nepopularno i stoga praktično nemoguće demokratski uraditi“ (Offe, 2013), a tiče se
široke ekonomske redistribucije, mutualizacije dugova, pa čak i stvaranje jedinstvenog
fiskalnog sistema unutar Evropske unije. Autor posebno ispituje oblik građanstva
zasnovan na konceptu ustavnog patriotizma (Habermas, 2006, Miler, 2010). Jednan od
njegovih elemenata, zajedničko sećanje na posleratnu pomoć nemačkoj ekonomiji
(Young, 2020), ovoga puta se može iskoristiti kao motivacija za slične politike solidarnosti
Az elköteleződés – diskurzív gyakorlat és rendszeresemény
No full textAz elköteleződés, az angazsáltság tanulmányozása fogalomtörténeti kutatásokat is magával von, nem csupán Sartre, Adorno, Gehlen és mások örökségének vizsgálatát, hanem a 20. századnál korábbi előzményeket is figyelembe véve. (...) Először is úgy tűnik, hogy az angazsáltságnak a kötelességek felől tekintve speciális státusza van. Mondhatni, többletszerű erőfeszítésként, az elvártakon túlmutató vállalásként működik, mint „az állampolgároknak a törvényi és szerződéses kötelezettségeken fölüli elkötelezettsége” (Tamás Gáspár Miklós), amely ugyanakkor a kötelességek korábban ismeretlen távlatait teheti lehetővé. Ehhez kapcsolódóan merül fel, hogy az elköteleződésnek a társadalmi normákat és szabályokat újragondoló értékracionális gyakorlatnak kell lennie, a higher-order megfontolások konzisztenciára szert tevő terepének. Más szóval, valamely megnyilvánulás és tett mindaddig nem tekinthető elköteleződésnek, míg egy merőben egyedi probléma megoldásáért száll síkra, anélkül, hogy megkérdőjelezné az alapjául szolgáló mintákat. Vagyis ami az elköteleződés tartalmát illeti, nem elegendő, ha pusztán elszigetelt és érdektelített esetekre mutat rá, hanem valamiképpen a közjóra és a vele összefüggő elvekre kell irányulnia. Ám az angazsáltságnak nemcsak tartalmában, hanem formájában is meg kell tartania „közjellegét”. Amiképpen a – wittgensteiniánus és egyéb – nyelvfilozófiák azt sugallták, hogy privát nyelv nem létezik, úgy az elköteleződés elmélete is arra a következtetésre juthat, hogy a privát elköteleződés tulajdonképpen képtelenség
Rethinking Vulnerability and Exclusion. Historical and Critical Essays
No full textThis volume presents an attempt to conjoin two related, but in essence deeply problematic notions: vulnerability and exclusion. Their relationship today seems unambiguous: if one is excluded, one is, in all probability, vulnerable and vice versa. We take this as a given. However, we also wish to see what lies behind that givenness, and in a certain sense produces it. Like many of the notions that have taken shape in philosophy and social theory, once they become part of the policy language of righting wrongs, they tend to become hollow and stripped of their multiple layers of meaning. Often, they portray a phenomenon as something that can be singled out and cast outside a larger and inevitably more complex frame. Both exclusion and vulnerability are cases in point: certain groups/populations/identities are vulnerable, thus actions need to be taken to alleviate their vulnerability; certain groups/populations/identities are excluded, and so ways to include them need to be found.
Without questioning the fact that there are indeed such groups, assembled and categorized as vulnerable and/or excluded, we wanted to understand why this is the case; more specifically, in what ways these groups are related to others (those deemed ‘invulnerable’ or those excluded on some different basis); how, and from where, the boundary between the excluded and the included arises; what the stakes of ‘invulnerability’ (to which the alleviation of vulnerability supposedly leads) might be; in what ways such categorizations preclude or forestall the agency of the excluded/the vulnerable. What might be the conclusive frame to which actions of inclusion and alleviation of vulnerability lead – one in which all are recognized as vulnerable and where the notion of exclusion has ultimately lost its meaning, or one in which the desired invulnerable individuals monitor the boundaries of their communities or nation-states, caring for the included and warding off those who do not belong? The questions themselves are certainly not new, although the answers to them have assumed a specific form and content in the 21st century. With this volume we want to emphasize both their novelty and their deep-seatedness. Following a variety of critical approaches, all of the contributions here attempt to shed light on the dense theoretical content and complex conceptual history of such notions
Independent and Invulnerable: Politics of an Individual
No full textWhen from the early 1980s onwards a reconfiguration of the politics of dependence began to take place, followed by a thorough dismantling of welfarism and real-socialism, individuals were called upon to use their freedom to self-actualize –to depend only on their own wits and capacities to deal with globalized insecurities. Government could no longer be interested in taking care of the governed. The governed needed to become more dependent on themselves, and less dependent on the state in particular. The governed, in other words, needed to be less vulnerable. It was repeated time and again that the welfare of individuals is best secured and promoted when they are prompted to be independent, to use all their might and imagination to be the only carers for themselves. To not be cared for by others implies a certain level of imagined invulnerability. Each and every one of us –simply by being individuals– has the capacity to demonstrate one’s sovereignty over oneself through one’s independence.
Such reprogrammed neo-Victorian language urges us to meticulously revisit its source. The link between early liberalism and neoliberalism, at least in their shared tendency to produce strong aversion to dependence and vulnerability, to correlate it with utter abjection, is by no means accidental. I will claim that the notion of independence is inextricable from an incessant circuit of exclusions, systemic blockades, restrictions or obstructions of opportunities, rights and resources. It is, however also closely related to a specific epistemic and normative configuration of the creature who is the bearer of independence, i.e. a sovereign individual who governs himself
A Violência Divina de Benjamin e o Caso de Coré – A Rebelião contra Moisés Como Primeira Cena do Messianismo (Números, 16)1
No full textInicialmente, para justificar uma leitura suplementar da Crítica da vio lência de Benjamin, eu gostaria de apresentar as formas pelas quais esse tex to foi recebido e explicar as razões por trás da rica história de suas recons truções, que vão de Scholem e Löwenthal, até Honneth, Žižek e Butler. O
que é que produz a “força desconstrutiva” dessa colagem densa e complexa
de textos? Não é apenas a brilhante montagem de Benjamin, mas, tam bém, parece-me, esse poderoso mal-entendido que se dissimula no título
de meu texto: A violência divina de Benjamin e o caso de Coré. Gostaria,
então, de completar imediatamente essa analogia entre a violência divi na e o nome de Coré com duas anotações que devem limitar e complicar
toda interpretação suplementar: (a) diferentemente de Leo Löwenthal (1990,
p. 174), tratarei o texto de Benjamin como uma soma de figuras e de catego rias messiânicas e, analogamente, (b) acompanharei os célebres qualificati vos que Scholem atribui ao “texto puramente judeu” de Benjamin [ein rein
jüdischer Text], quando o caracteriza como uma manifestação de “niilismo
positivo” ou de “nobre e positiva violência da destruição” [die edle und
positive Gewalt der Zerstörung] (Scholem, 2007, p. 501-502). Esses dois
elementos (o messianismo e o niilismo positivo) poderiam ampliar a minha
intervenção sobre o texto de Benjamin e, talvez, negar a vantagem que o
título do presente artigo goza em relação a seu subtítulo (A rebelião contra
Moisés como o primeiro ato de messianismo). Estaria em posição de des taque, então, a sugestão ou intuição genial de Benjamin de que a primeira grande rebelião na história da justiça (e a última no quadro do mito5
ou do
direito) evoca ou provoca qualquer coisa de messiânico; que esse episódio
maior na vida de certo povo – cujos iniciadores são Coré e alguns rebeldes
– representa o começo da construção do teatro messiânico
Насилие и противонасилие. О правильном отказе от насилия (Очерк возможной русской этики войны на основании понимания насилия Л. Толстым и Петаром Петровичем Ньегошем)
No full textThe article’s intention is to construct a possible minimal response to violence,
that is, to describe what would be justified (necessary or legitimate) “противонасилие”
(counter-violence). This argument is built on reviving several important philosophical texts in
Russian of the first half of the twentieth century as well as on going beyond that historical
moment. Starting with the reconstruction of Tolstoy’s criticism of any use of violence, it is then
shown that, paradoxically, resistance to Tolstoy’s or ‘pseudo’—Tolstoy’s teachings ends up
incorporating Tolstoy’s thematization of counter-violence into various theories, which sought
to legitimate the use of force. In particular, Tolstoy’s discovery of a force, which, on the one
hand, is not grounded in violence and, on the other hand, which is capable of countering
violence, becomes fundamental in reasoning about the just use of force. The connection is made
between Tolstoy and Petar II Petrović Njegoš, who also thematizes the use of force in Christian
perspective. In his view, justice, “blessed by the Creator’s hand,” has the capacity to protect
from violent force. Any living thing defends itself from what endangers it by means Creator
bestowed it with. Living force and protective use of force are conceptually linked in Njegoš’s
reasoning. Thus, only protective force can defeat aggressive force. This is shown to be Njegoš’s
contribution to the Orthodox Christian discourse on violence. If a force can be counter-violent,
the next step in our argument would be to search for a protocol that should have universal
validity, that is, it has to be valid for all conflicting sides, The protocol of counter-violence
requires that, firstly, it is a response to violence; secondly, it interrupts violence and forestalls
any possible future violence (it is the ‘last’ violence); thirdly, it is subject to verification, it
addresses those who are a priori against any response to violence (which usually refers to
various forms of “Tolstoyism”).Цель статьи заключается в построении возможного минимального ответа на наси лие, иными словами, в описании того, что было бы оправданным (необходимым или
законным) «противонасилием». Этот аргумент основан на реконструкции нескольких
важных философских текстов на русском языке первой половины ХХ века, а также на
расширении анализа проблемы за пределы этого исторического момента. После рекон струкции критики Л. Толстым любого применения насилия показывается, что, как это ни
парадоксально, противники учения Толстого включили разработанную Толстым идею
противонасилия в свои теории, в которых стремились легитимизировать применение
силы. В частности, открытие Толстым силы, которая, с одной стороны, не основана на
насилии, а, с другой стороны, способна противостоять насилию, становится основопола гающим в рассуждениях о справедливом применении силы. Далее выстраивается связь
между Л. Толстым и Петаром II Петровичем Ньегошем, который также тематизирует
применение силы в христианской перспективе. По его мнению, справедливость, «благо словенная рукой Творца», способна защитить от насильственной силы. Любое живое
существо защищается от того, что ему угрожает теми средствами, которыми его одарил
Творец. Живая сила и защитное применение силы концептуально связываются в рассуж дениях Ньегоша. Таким образом, только защищающая сила может победить агрессивную
силу. Это свидетельствует о вкладе Ньегоша в православный христианский дискурс
о насилии. Если сила может быть противонасильственной, следующим шагом в нашем
аргументе будет поиск протокола, который должен иметь универсальную силу, то есть
он должен быть действительным для всех конфликтующих сторон. Протокол о борьбе с
насилием требует, чтобы, во-первых, сила была ответом на насилие; во-вторых, преры вала насилие и предотвращала любое возможное насилие в будущем (это «последнее»
насилие); в-третьих, применение силы подлежит проверке, обращено к тем, кто априори
против любой ответ на насилие (что обычно относится к различным формам «толстов ства»). Наконец, показано, что государственная власть не создает закон, а лишь правота
создает закон, дает жизнь общественному порядку и тем самым может санкционировать
применение силы. Это новшество в истории оправдания силы, отсутствующее на Западе.
Агрессивному насилию может быть противопоставлена лишь та сила, которая предпола гает возможность установления закона и порядка
Social Identity Complexity and Inclusiveness as Mediators of the Impact of a Social Norm on Attitudes towards Outgroups
No full textU ovoj studiji ispitivali smo prediktivnu moć kompleksnosti i inkluzivnosti socijalnog identiteta u odnosu na stavove prema nepripadničkim grupama, uticaj socijalne norme na kompleksnost i inkluzivnost identiteta, kao i medijatorsku ulogu kompleksnosti i inkluzivnosti u odnosu između socijalne norme i stavova prema drugim grupama. Kompleksnost socijalnog identiteta referiše na subjektivni doživljaj preklapanja sopstvenih grupa, dok inkluzivnost predstavlja meru identifikacije sa ljudima na osnovu socijalnih identiteta. Korišćene su nacionalna (građani Srbije/građani Hrvatske), etnička (Srbi/Hrvati) i religijska grupa (pravoslavci/katolici). Uzorak je činilo 153 ljudi (36% muškaraca) prosečnog uzrasta 26 godina. Rezultati pokazuju da je inkluzivnost, ali ne i kompleksnost, snažan prediktor prihvatanja pripadnika drugih grupa, merenog preko termometra osećanja i skale socijalne distance. U eksperimentalnoj fazi studije, pokušali smo da ispitanicima sa manjom spremnošću za prihvatanje pripadnika drugih grupa (N = 40) prezentovanjem grupne norme promenimo stavove i ispitamo da li u tome posreduje promena u doživljaju granica svojih socijalnih identiteta (kompleksnost i inkluzivnost). Izlaganje deskriptivnoj grupnoj normi, datoj u vidu fiktivnog izveštaja sa naučnog istraživanja, dovelo je do većeg prihvatanja tuđih grupa, ali i neočekivano smanjilo kompleksnost socijalnog identiteta. Moguće je da je način na koji smo plasirali informaciju o grupnoj normi narušio osećaj jedinstvenosti grupe ispitanika, te su oni pribegavali jednostavnijim strukturama identiteta. Predložili smo da se u budućim istraživanjima koriste intervencije koje bi specifičnije ciljale na promene u identitetskoj kompleksnosti i inkluzivnosti, kao i da se porede iste intervencije na različitim grupama.In this study, we investigated the predictive power of social identity complexity and inclusiveness on attitudes towards outgroups, the impact of a social norm on social identity complexity and inclusiveness, and their mediating role in the relationship between social norm and attitudes towards outgroups. Social identity complexity refers to individual's subjective representation of interrelationships between his/ her multiple social identities. Social identity inclusiveness refers to individual's identification with other people based on mutual group membership. We opted for national, ethnic and religious ingroups and outgrops. A total of 153 respondents (36% male), average age of 26, filled in the questionnaire. Results show that inclusiveness, unlike complexity, strongly predicts outgroup acceptance, measured with feelings thermometer and social distance scale. In the experimental phase of the study, we tried to induce changes in outgroup acceptance by presenting descriptive social norm to selected participants (N = 40) with lower initial acceptance. We also investigated mediating role of the perception of one's own ingroup boundaries (complexity and inclusiveness) in this process. Exposure to social norm, presented in the form of fictive scientific report, improved outgroup acceptance, but unexpectedly decreased social identity complexity. This might be due to the fact that the way in which social norm was designed has threatened distinctiveness of our respondents' identity, which consequently led to less complex perception of their own ingroup boundaries. For further research, we suggested introducing more specific interventions that would directly influence social identity complexity and should be compared among different groups