University of Arts in Belgrade
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Javni um i demokratija pouzdanosti
The article starts with a sketch of Prijić Samaržija’s hybrid theory. After that, it provides an overview of the virtue epistemology theory, to which she attributes a relevant influence on her own position, as well as that of reliability democracy which constitutes her view about democratic legitimacy. Secondly, her proposal is discussed and confronted with a slightly amended version of the leading liberal democratic theory of democratic legitimacy, formulated and defended by John Rawls.Članak započinje skiciranjem hibridne teorije Prijić Samaržije. Nakon toga, nudi se pregled teorije epistemologije vrline, kojoj Prijić Samaržija pripisuje relevantan uticaj na njen vlastiti položaj, kao i one demokratije pouzdanosti koja je u temelju njenog viđenja demokratskog legitimiteta. Nadalje, njen predlog se raspravlja i suočava s donekle izmenjenom verzijom vodeće liberalne demokratske teorije demokratske legitimnosti, koju je formulisao i branio John Rawls
Teorija u prostoru urgencije: da li dolazi do preokreta?
U jeku pandemije teoretičari uvode zanimljive pojmove kojima nas uvera-vaju da je sasvim moguće promišljati, barem, dimenzije prostora koji nase-ljavamo. Možda već na osnovu malog uzorka „krize“ možemo pretpostaviti da ovih dana dolazi do preokreta koji, s jedne strane, uvećava razlike i uslo-žnjava odnose moći a, sa druge, nudi mogućnost jedne osvežene autonom-nosti, slobode i solidarnosti, odnosno lične i kolektivne reafirmacije. Da li karantinski mode d’être pretpostavlja i jednu vrstu preokreta u mišljenju?Pre početka: zarad jasnijeg čitanja, moram odmah naglasiti da sam imao poteškoću nalaženja adekvatnog prevoda za izraz austerity. Prevesti samo kao „štednja“ ili svesti samo na „mere štednje“ bilo bi neadekvatno. Iako pojam, naravno, prevazili ekonomski i finansijski nivo (gde se mere šted-nje odnose na budžetske rezove, fiskalne reforme i tako dalje) i tiče se ra-zličitih režima upravljanja u neoliberalizmu, austerity je pomalo i ambi-valentan pojam – nekada znači režim prekarnosti i oskudnosti, a nekada režim totalne kontrole i upravljanja subjektima (premda je jedno sa drugim povezano). Smatrao sam da je zgodno da francusku verziju ovog termina, politique de rigueur, slobodno prevedem kao režim strogosti. Naročito zato što reč režim asocira na militarističku i policijsku funkciju države, u smislu stalne kontrole, strogosti, nadzora nad grupama civila ili nad pojedincem
Pet prekretnica u empirizmu
Ovaj rad je deo teksta „The pragmatists’ place in empiricism“ koji sam izlagao na konferenciji na Univerzitetu Južna Karolina 1975. godine. Tekst će biti objavljen u zborniku radova Pragmatism, Its Sources and Prospects u izdanju University of South Carolina Press
First Scene of Institutional Building: Babylon Incorporatio
A partir da exposição realizada na Dickson Poon School of Law do King's College London
(2016/2017) pelo artista e professor alemão da Universidade de Bonn, Werner Gephart, propõe-se aqui
análise da obra “Produção babilônica de normatividade na Europa (2016)”, em diálogo com “A Torre de
Babel”, de 1563 do artista belga Pieter Bruegel, o Velho, ambas cotejadas com os textos religiosos com
os quais dialogam, com vistas a compreender as analogias feitas pelo autor da obra com história atual da
Europa, sua unificação e os seus tantos dilemas mais contemporâneos.Based on the exhibition held at the Dickson Poon School of Law at King's College London
(2016/2017) by the German artist and professor at the University of Bonn, Werner Gephart, we propose
here an analysis of the work “Babylonian production of norms in Europe (2016) ”, In dialogue with“ The
Tower of Babel ”, from 1563 by the Belgian artist Pieter Bruegel the Elder, both collated with the
religious texts with which they dialogue, in order to understand the analogies made by the author of the
work with current European history , its unification and its many more contemporary dilemmas
Emancipation and/or Education: Challenges and Frictions : Book of Abstracts / Second International Conference Why Still Education? Belgrade, 2-5 October, 2020
Book of Abstracts of the annual conferences Why still education? presents a collection of presentations as an open forum for development and reflection on educational strategies, which both open the space for the exchange of experiences and knowledge and encourage challenging of the existing educational practices on the topic: Emancipation and/or Education: Challenges and Frictions. The relation between emancipation and education is fraught with tensions. Even though we are the inheritors of the emancipatory potential of the Enlightenment, never before have these potentials been under such rigorous critical scrutiny as from various intellectual traditions of the second half of 20th century, such as postcolonial studies, poststructuralist thought, feminist critique, etc. But precisely because the classic emancipatory ideal became outdated, there is a great need for rethinking and rearticulating the idea of emancipation. We want to question whether, and to what extent, in rethinking emancipation, the role and the aim of education must be rethought as well.Knjiga apstrakata sa Druge međunarodne konferencije "Čemu još obrazovanje", odražane 2-5. oktobra 2020. godine
Etika sopstva kao obrazovna praksa
Rad se bavi Fukoovom analizom određenih aspekata stoičke filozofije
i njihovog odnosa spram obrazovanja. Fuko polazi od teze da su „naše eto-poetičke prakse postale orijentisane ka otkrivanju naše istinske i sušinske prirode“, te se okreće etici koja vodi odvajanju naših etičkih ili samo-formirajućih praksi od obaveze da kažemo istinu o svojoj prirodi. Prvo pitanje rada je da li pojmovi i prakse stoičke filozofije poput Stultitia i Askesis (u značenju vežbi i priprema za život), a u njihovoj vezi sa istinom ili izricanjem istine i specifičnim odnosom spram slušanja, čitanja i pisanja, predstvljaju obrazovnu praksu? Takođe, ukoliko je cilj etike sopstva konstitucija subjekta kroz svesnu praksu slobode, a askezu odredimo kao subjektivaciju dirskursa istine, postavlja se pitanje da li je u pitanju vrsta učenja koje može da emancipuje? Preciznije, da li briga o sebi ili etika sopstva, kao preobraćanje koje sopstvo stvara putem prisvajanja istine i postajanja subjektom iskazivanja istine, može istovremeno da bude slobodno i nezavisno ili emancipovano?The paper deals with Foucault’s analysis of certain aspects of Stoicism
and its relation to education. Foucault begins with the thesis that “our
etho-poetic practices have become oriented towards discovering our
true and substantive nature”. He turns to the ethics that separates our
ethical or self-forming practices from the obligation to tell the truth
about our nature. The first question is whether the concepts and practices of Stoicism such as Stultitia and Askesis, in their relation to truth or truth-telling and their specific relation to listening, reading and writing, constitute educational practice? Also, if the goal of the ethics of the self is the constitution of the subject through the conscious practice of liberty, and if we define Askesis as the subjectivation of the discourse of truth, the question rises as to whether this is the kind of learning that could emancipate? More precisely, whether self-care or the ethics of self as transformation, which is achieved through the appropriation of truth and becoming the subject of truth-telling, can be free and independent, or emancipated
Intellectuals between radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans
According to cultural definitions, intellectuals can be defined as social actors who have developed public authority based on cultural achievements and/or positions. Intellectuals are key participants in the creation, specification, articulation and dissemination of any form of social ideas. Their relevance can be particularly prominent in societies dominated by nationalism, because they have the ability to sift through a particular national/ethnic tradition, selecting specific moments and elements from the collective memory and thus strengthening a given national ideology. In the Westerns Balkans, intellectual elites mostly positioned themselves as bearers of national programs, especially in the 1980s and 1990s. This, almost exclusively male, group was awarded disproportionately large space in the media. Smaller groups of a(nti)nationally oriented intellectuals never gained such dominance in public discourse, but continuously used their opportunities of influencing public opinion to express the necessity of repudiation of extremism and breaking with the ideology that hampers the normalization of socio-political life in the region. We analyze here the role of intellectuals to both radicalization and reconciliation in the Western Balkans, focusing especially on the former Yugoslavia. Starting with the 1987 Memorandum of the SASA, widely regarded as the ultimate intellectual fuel to the deepening the conflict, we end with the most recent case of Declaration on the Common Language (2017), which opted for the unification of the now separated Western Balkan languages into a joint one