University of Arts in Belgrade
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The Socio-Political Role of Artivism(S) And the Possibility of a New Aestheticization
Rad je fokusiran na analizu polja artivizma/umetničkog aktivizma kroz njegovu društveno-političku ulogu, istorijski kontekst i praksu. Tekst propituje da li artivizam, koji se poslednjih decenija vezivao za kritičku umetnost, može biti smatran novom umetničkom paradig-mom. U prilog tome, analiziraju se tekstovi Borisa Grojsa i Gregorija Šoleta u kojima se izlažu različite koncepcije estetizacije: Grojsov koncept totalne estetizacije i koncept prefigurativne politke (njegova estetska dimenzija) na koji se oslanja Šolet. Sublimirajući oba kon-cepta, koja ukazuju da je fenomen umetničkog aktivizma zaista sve veći i vidljiviji, pokušavam predstaviti artivizam kao potencijalnu no-vu paradigmu u polju umetnosti. U tom smislu se analiziraju dve pre-vaziđene umetničke paradigme (za koje Badju govori da su predsta-vljale identifikaciju/separaciju subjekta u odnosu na telo) i predlaže novi odnos (revolucije) subjekta i tela, odnosno događaja.The paper focuses on the analysis of the field of artivism / artistic activism through its socio-political role, historical context and practice. It questions whether artivism, which has been associated with critical art in recent decades, can be considered a new artistic paradigm. In support of this, the texts of Boris Groys and Gregory Sho-lette are analyzed, where different conceptions of aestheticization are presented: Groys’ concept of total aestheticization and the concept of prefigurative politics (its aesthetic dimension) on which Sholette relies. Sublimating both concepts, which in-dicate that the phenomenon of artistic activism is indeed growing and visible, I try to present artivism as a potential new paradigm in the field of art. In that sense, two outdated artistic paradigms are analyzed (which represented the identification / separation of the subject in relation to the body, according to Badiou) and I propose a new relation (revolution) of the subject and the body, that is the event
Nada Banjanin Đuričić and Predrag Krstić (Eds.), Ordinary People – Voluntary Executors: The Dispute Around (German) Antisemitism, Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju; Novi Sad: Akademska knjiga, 2019.
Knjiga Obični ljudi – dobrovoljni dželati: spor oko (nemačkog) antisemitizma primer je dijaloške tekstualne strukture koja zalazi kako u područje akademske rasprave o ulozi običnog čoveka u diskursu zločina, tako i u polje etičke, istorijske i društveno-političke diskusije o multifacetnosti problemskih čvorišta koje izviru iz studija Holokausta. Tekst Kristofera Roberta Brauninga sučeljen je sa stavovima Danijela Jone Goldhagena, a obe rasprave su uvedene interpretativno-teorijskim predgovorom priređivača knjige, Nade Banjanin Đuričić i Predraga Krstića. Upućujući na složene aspekte tumačenja studija istorije i studija sećanja, knjiga Obični ljudi – dobrovoljni dželati: spor oko (nemačkog) antisemitizmanudi aktivan, savremen i relevantan osvrt na studije Holokausta i ukazuje se kao kvalitetno štivo za učenje i kritičko promišljanje.The book Ordinary people – voluntary executors: the dispute around (German) antisem-itism is the example of dialogical textual structure which presents itself both as an ac-ademic discussion about ordinary man within the crime discourse, as well as in the field of ethical, historical and socio-political discussion about the multifaceted prob-lematics of the Holocaust. In this book there are two texts presented – Christopher Robert Browning’s, and Daniel Jonah Goldhagen’s, which are in the same time con-trasted and sutured in order to provoke deeper thinking about the issue of the role of ordinary people in the Holocaust. Both texts are introduced through the theoretical analysis of the editors, Nada Banjanin Đuričić and Predrag Krstić, with the introduc-tion that is not only the review, but an active, contemporary and relevant material for learning and critical thinking in the field of Holocaust studies
Teorija nacionalne autonomije Karla Renera
Karl Renner’s theory of national autonomy has not been sufficiently taken
into account by scholars due to difficulties in its reception and puzzling
content. Neither liberal nor communitarian, his original theory combines
individual rights with collective rights, territorial autonomy with personal
autonomy, classical federalism with establishment of nations as constituent
parts of the state. This paper will introduce the reader to Renner’s main
concepts. It will start by presenting Renner’s ideas on the nation, the
multinational state, the role of the majority principle, and the need for
nations’ legal recognition by and within the state. Then, Renner’s core
notion of national autonomy and its organisation through the personality
principle will be discussed. Further, the paper deals with Renner’s concept
of the representation of national interests at the federal or supranational
levels. Lastly, it sums up the discussion and draws conclusions regarding
Renner’s theory of autonomy in general.Teorija autonomije Karla Renera nije bila dovoljno razmatrana u naučnim krugovima usled
složenosti kod njene recepcije i zbunjujućeg sadržaja. Njegova originalna teorija, ni liberalna
ni komunitarna, spaja individualna prava s kolektivnim pravima, teritorijalnu autonomiju s
ličnom autonomijom, klasični federalizam sa uspostavljanjem nacija kao konstitutivnih de lova države. Ovaj rad će uvesti čitaoca u Renerove osnovne koncepte. Najpre, on će pred staviti Renerove poglede na naciju, multinacionalnu državu, ulogu principa većine, in a po trebu za pravnim priznanjem nacija od strane i u okviru države. Zatim ćemo razmotriti Renerov
ključni pojam nacionalne autonomije i njegovu organizaciju kroz princip personalnosti. Dalje,
u radu će biti reči o Renerovom konceptu predstavljanja nacionalnih interesa na federalnom
ili nadnacionalnom nivou vlasti. Na kraju, članak iznosi zaključke o Renerovoj teoriji autono mije u celin
Criminalization as Anxious and Ineffective Response to Foreign Fighters Phenomenon in the Western Balkans
Despite not being a new phenomenon, nor an Islamic specificum, only recently when the West has increasingly become a potential target of returning foreign fighters from the Syrian theater has the international community reacted. The UN Security Council called on Member-States to, inter alia, immediately amend their national legislation to criminalize travelling abroad for terrorist purposes. However, as I identify in this article, contrary to majority of the Western countries, the Western Balkan countries opted to amend their legislation to criminalize travelling abroad to join conflict irrespective of its connection with terrorism, going well beyond the intended aim of the Security Council’s resolutions. I argue that this broader criminal law approach is difficult to justify from either preventive or reactive perspectives. It is, in fact, an anxious and ineffective response to foreign fighters phenomenon. It is anxious because existing data shows that countries from the region have suffered fewer extremist attacks than the West. Notwithstanding, they still decided to introduce far more aggressive legislative changes, even though it only amplified securitizing moves performed by fighters` recruiters. I further demonstrate that the implementation of this new legislation has been ineffective particularly due to: (1) the challenge of securing court-strong evidence, especially those gathered through international intelligence cooperation; (2) its application mainly as an alternative when other terrorism-related offences cannot be proved; and (3) biased law application in countries that have returning fighters from both Middle East and Ukraine
Uticaj konstitucionalizacije ombudsmana na njihovo funkcionisanje u tranzicionim državama
Dok je delovanje ombudsmana u novim i konsolidovanim demokratijama podrobno obrađeno u literaturi, njegova uloga i dometi u tranzicionim državama ostali su u značajnoj meri neosvetljeni. Ovim radom želi se doprineti postojećoj literaturi i boljem razumevanju akterstva ombudsmana u tim društvima. Uporedno posmatrano, ombudsmani su tokom poslednjih tridesetak godina u velikom broju država inaugurisani u organe ustavnog ranga. Konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana donela je robusniju pravnu garanciju opstanka institucije, čime joj je dat normativni preduslov da deluje kao važan institucionalni garant vladavine prava. Na osnovu uporednih iskustava – od Latinske Amerike, preko Evrope, do jugoistočne Azije – u radu se pokazuje kako se institucija ombudsmana razvijala u državama krhke demokratske konstitucije. U radu se zaključuje da se konstitucionalizacija ombudsmana pokazala kao uspešna brana njegovom gašenju, ali ne i gušenju, jer su izvršna i zakonodavna vlast iznalazili različite načine da otežaju rad ove nezavisne institucije
Stranačko odmetanje narodnih poslanika u Srbiji 1990-2020.
Problem stranačkog odmetanja izabranih predstavnika često može imati ozbiljne posledice po demokratske procese i s razlogom izaziva kontroverze. Međutim, do sada nije postojao sveobuhvatan pregled stranačkog odmetanja izabranih predsednika u Srbiji tokom tri decenije višestranačja. U ovom radu se odmetanje poslanika konceptualizuje i razdvaja od povezanih fenomena, koji se često svi nazivaju „preletanjem“. Korišćenjem primarnih izvora, medijskih navoda i literature, sakupljeni su podaci o poslanicima koji su ostali bez mandata, odmetnuli se od stranke ili prebegli u druge stranke. Odmetanje se analizira u institucionalnom kontekstu, naročito u svetlu pravila koja su određivala odnos poslanika i stranke. Dok su stranke mogle da kažnjavaju poslanike oduzimanjem mandata, odmetanja je bilo manje, ali kako se ovaj odnos menjao u smeru slobode poslanika da odlučuje o mandatu, odmetanje je postajalo učestalije. Uprkos uvreženim stavovima građana, odmetanje nije samo nepoželjna anomalija demokratskog procesa, već može da ima i važnu korektivnu ulogu. Zbog toga se na samom kraju rada diskutuje o tome kako da se praksa odmetanja u Srbiji bolje reguliše, i predlaže nekoliko načina: međustranački paktovi, institucionalno sankcionisanje prebega, ukidanje podsticaja za oportuno odmetanje i informisanje glasača.Party switching of elected representatives can have serious consequences for
the democratic process, and it is considered controversial for justifiable reasons. However,
until now there was no comprehensive overview of legislative party switching in Serbia
during the three decades of multiparty elections. In this article, I conceptualized legislative
party switching, and differentiated it from other related phenomena, which are all usually
bundled together, and described as defections. Relying on primary sources, media, and
literature on historical elections and parliament sessions, I collected the data on representatives that lost their seats, abandoned their parties, or switched to other parties during their
terms of office. Party switching is then analyzed in the institutional context, in particular,
as depending on the rules that determined the relations between representatives and their
parties. As long as the parties were able to sanction the representatives by retrieving their
mandates, there was less legislative party switching. When this changed, and the control
of the mandate moved from the parties to the elected representatives, party switching
increased. Even though citizens mostly have negative views of party switching, it should not
be understood only as an unwanted anomaly of the democratic process, instead, it could
have a corrective role in democracies. Therefore, the article concludes with a discussion
on different ways legislative party switching could be better regulated in the future: through agreements between the parties, institutional mechanisms for sanctioning of party
defectors, reducing incentives for opportunistic behavior, and better informed voters.Zbornik radova sa naučne konferencije 'Izbori u Srbiji 1990-2020', u organizaciji Fakulteta političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu i Instituta za političke studije, održane 9. i 10. decembra 2020. godine u Beogradu
A Consideration of the Relationship Between Music and Collective Identity: From the Viewpoint of Cultural Psychology of Music
Cilj predstojećeg rada sadrži se u pokušaju približavanja antropološkog, etnomuzikološkog i psihološkog pristupa odnosu između muzike i kolektivnog identi-teta. Muzika je razmatrana kao socio-kulturni artefakt, koji posreduje procese konstruk-cije kolektivnog identiteta i čija funkcija u takvom posredovanju može biti višestruka. Da bismo razumeli načine na koje je ona utkana u formalne i neformalne strategije ko-lektivnog (samo)identifikovanja, u radu se kao rešenje predlaže istovremeno uzimanje u obzir različitih dimenzija: kulturnih, društvenih, političkih, psiholoških. Iako već postoje interdisciplinarna istraživanja fenomena identiteta i uloge muzike u njegovom nastajanju, zalažemo se da takva razmatranja budu upotpunjena uvidima iz psihološke nauke, prila-gođena potrebama etno-antropološke analize. Kao najobuhvatniji teorijski okvir predložili smo kulturnu psihologiju muzike. Analiza specifičnih praksi posredovanja identiteta, kao psihološkog procesa, muzikom, kao kulturnim artefaktom, u budućim empirijskim istraži-vanjima trebalo bi da obuhvati ukrštajuće lokalne i globalne društvene trendove, aspekte muzikološke analize, specifičnosti psihološkog razvoja identiteta, ulogu društveno-poli-tičkih strategija formiranja identiteta, i, ne najmanje važnu, kulturnu specifičnost etničke zajednice koja se istražuje. Nalazimo da je kompleksnost fenomena koji je u fokusu oba-vezujuća za kompleksnost teorijsko-metodološkog pristupa istom.The aim of the present study lies in an effort of converging anthropological, ethnomusicological and psychological approach to the relationship between music and collective identity. Music is considered a socio-cultural artifact, which mediates the processes of collective identity construction, and whose function in such process can be multiple. In order to understand the ways in which it is sutured into (in)formal processes of collective (self)identification, we propose simultaneous consideration of various dimensions: cultural, social, political, psychological. Although there already has been interdisciplinary research of the role of music in the emergence of identity, we advocate for a more complementary approach, by a consideration of the psychological accounts, adjusted to the needs of ethno-anthropological analysis. As the most comprehensive theoretical approach, we propose cultural psychology of music. Future empirical research on specific identity processes mediation by music as cultural artifact, should include the analysis of intersecting local and global social trends, aspects of musicological analysis, specificities of psychological development of identity, the role of socio-political strategies of identity formation, and, last but not least, cultural specificity of the community in focus of the research. We find the complexity of the phenomenon in focus to be obligatory for the complexity of the theoretical and methodological approach
Contemporary Self-Help Literature: An Analysis From the Perspective of Governementality Studies
U radu ćemo analizirati savremenu literaturu za samopomoć koristeći
koncepte razvijene u okviru teorijskog pravca nazvanog „studije upravljanja“, čije je
poreklo u radu Mišela Fukoa. U prvom delu rada ćemo izložiti osnovne pojmove koje
ćemo koristiti u istraživanju, kao što su pojmovi dispozitiva, subjekcije, subjektivnosti i
pojma tehnologije sopstva, koji će za potrebe našeg rada biti naznačajniji. Potom ćemo
izložiti kontekst našeg istraživanja koji čini promena iz disciplinarnog režima upravljanja
u neoliberalni režim u drugoj polovini dvadesetog veka. Prećićemo onda na bliže
određenje literature za samopomoć, a potom i na izlaganje njene kratke istorije. Potom
ćemo izvršiti analizu savremene literature za samopomoć koristeći Fukoov teorijski
diskurs razvijen u drugom tomu Istorije seksualnosti kao naš metodološki instrument.
Zaključićemo da je savremena literatura za samopomoć tehnologija moći neoliberalnog
režima upravljanja koja služi formiranju njemu odgovarajućih subjekata.In this paper we will be analyzing contemporary self-help literature through
the lens of what is usually called „governmentality studies“. These studies originate in the thought of Michel Foucault therefore we will begin our paper by
presenting his theoretical framework for analyzing governmentality. The concept of the „dispositif“ will be explained as a network of power relations aimed
at governing individuals. „Subjection“ is a concept we wil be using and it will
be explained as a process of making individuals a part of a dispositif. Also the
concept of „subjectivity“ will be used, defined as a relation that an individual
has with himself through which he governs himself and the concept of „technologies of the self“ defined as a set of discourses through which subjectivity
is formed. Our idea is to research contemporary self-help literature as a technology of the self through which an individual governs himself according to
the rules of a certain dispositif therefore. In the next part of our paper we will
present the context of our research which will be described as a change in governmentality regimes in the second half of the twentieth century. We will present
that change as a transition from a disciplinary regime of governemntality to the
neoliberal regime. In the next part of our paper we will define self-help literature as a discursive technology of the self that aims at getting its readers to see
themselves as having a problem that requires them to transform themselves and
therefore achieve happiness. Next we will present a short history oh self-help
literature dividing it into three phases that differ in the relation authors have to
their readers and in the figure of the big other whose ideas the authors claim to
represent. We will claim that our object of research is the third period of the development of self-help literature beginning in the eighties. Next we will present
our research that will be conducted by using Foucaults’s theoretical discourse
developed in the second volume of his History of Sexuality. We will conclude
that contemporary self-help literature can be seen as a technology of the self that
transforms the reader’s subjectivity in order to make them govern themselves
as autonomous subjects that seek to fulfill their innermost desires. Therefore we
will claim that contemporary self-help literature can bee seen as a technology of
the self of the neoliberal governmentality regime
Franz Neumann’s Behemoth: Practical Implications on The Nuremberg Trial
Рад се бави практичним импликацијама које је теорија изнета у најпознатијем делу Франца Нојмана имала на Нирнбeршке процесе. У првом делу изложене су основне теоријске поставке Бехемота, али и суштина дебате између Нојмана и Фридриха Полока о природи капитализма, односно нацистичког режима. У другом делу се анализира утицај поставки изнетих у Бехемоту на креирање концептуалног оквира за подизање оптужница против водећих индустријалаца Трећег рајха и приказује истраживачки рад Нојмана и његовог тима на припреми материјала за ова суђења.The paper deals with the practical implications that Franz Neumann’s most
famous work had on Nuremberg trials. The first part sets out the basic theoretical assumptions of Behemoth, but also the essence of the debate between
Neumann and Friedrich Pollock on the nature of capitalism and the Nazi
regime. The next part analyzes the impact of the Neumann’s findings from
Behemoth on the creation of a conceptual framework for indictments against leading industrialists of the Third Reich. But also presents the research
work of Neumann and his team in preparing material for these trials