University of Arts in Belgrade
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Uncharted Architectural Theory of Critical Regionalism in the Work of Aleksandar Deroko Between the World Wars
No full textThe concept of distance identifies the modern history of the Balkan Peninsula. From a point of geography, the Balkans is an area in Southeast Europe prevalently populated by Indo-European ethnic groups. Economically, politically and culturally, however, the region traditionally fluctuates between two different spheres of influences – the West (i.e. Central and Western Europe) and the East (i.e. Eastern Europe and Asia Minor). Distant from both, yet, unavoidably inextricable, the Balkans set the stage for unique interpretations, translations, and criticism of the imported creative impulses.
This paper presents the "unchartered" territories of the Balkan architectural, examining an interwar criticism of the Modern Movement, formulated decades before Kenneth Frampton wrote his Critical Regionalism. Contemporary of Alvar Aalto, Yugoslav architect Aleksandar Deroko also had a unique reaction to the stifling uniformity of Modernism. Deroko developed his regionalist design theory learning from the vernacular. According to him, vernacular architecture was a response to region-specific functional imperatives, shaped for distinct geographical features. Deroko maintained that these highly functional structures, devoid of excess architectural ornament, should serve as architectural textbooks, firmly objecting to the Modernist insensitivity to the local conditions.
The distance of the Balkans in a European context, and Deroko’s individualistic remoteness from the dominant architectural practices of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia resulted in an anonymity of his theory in the international historiographies of architecture. How did the distance of the Balkans from the European cultural centres – and, at the opposite end of the spectrum: the connections of the shared heritage – influence the shaping of Deroko’s unique architectural theory? Analysing Deroko’s ideas within the context of critical regionalism, this paper will demonstrate that Europe is even more diverse than typically assumed
"Obrazovanje za proturječnost i otpor": prilog rekonstrukciji Adornove "pedagogije"
No full textRad nastoji integrirati zapažanja Theodora W. Adorna o odgoju i obrazovanju, koja su rasuta gotovo po čitavome njegovom opusu. Namjera
međutim nije doktrinarna: izdala bi se lojalnost autoru i podbacilo
ispod njegove kritike kada bi takva integracija nastojala rekonstruirati
neku neokupljenu ili neizrečenu Adornovu "prosvjetnu doktrinu".
Kod zakletog antisistematičara ni vizije prosvjetne teorije i prakse ne
smiju prerasti u sistem. Riječ je prije o stavu ili držanju koje insistira
na pokušaju da se antinomija obrazovanja – neslobodnim sredstvima
do cilja slobode, manipulacijom do nemogućnosti da se bude izmanipuliran
– unese u školske, i ne samo školske, zadatke, kao cilj koji će
onemogućiti ponavljanje Auschwitza, omogućiti autonomiju i osposobiti
za autorefleksiju.The paper seeks to integrate Theodor W. Adorno’s observations about upbringing
and education, scattered throughout his almost entire opus. The intention,
however, is not doctrinal: loyalty to the author would be betrayed and it would
fall short of his criticism if such integration would seek to reconstruct some
uncollected or unspoken Adorno’s “educational doctrine”. With a sworn anti-systematist, even visions of educational theory and practice must not grow into a
system. It is rather about an attitude that insists on trying to bring the antinomy
of education – by non-free means to the goal of freedom, by manipulation of the
point of impossibility to be manipulated – into school and not only school tasks,
as a goal that will prevent Auschwitz’s repetition, enable autonomy, and empower
for self-reflection
Epistemologija demokratije: epistemičke vrline demokratije
No full textThe new and vibrant field of the epistemology of democracy, or the inquiry about the epistemic justification of democracy as a social system of procedures, institutions, and practices, as a cross-disciplinary endeavour, necessarily encounters both epistemologists and political philosophers. Despite possible complaints that this kind of discussion is either insufficiently epistemological or insufficiently political, my approach explicitly aims to harmonize the political and epistemic justification of democracy. In this article, I tackle some fundamental issues concerning the nature of the epistemic justification of democracy and the best theoretical framework for harmonizing political and epistemic values. I also inquire whether the proposed division of epistemic labour and the inclusion of experts can indeed improve the epistemic quality of decision-making without jeopardizing political justification. More specifically, I argue in favour of three theses. First, not only democratic procedures but also the outcomes of democracy, as a social system, need to be epistemically virtuous. Second, democracy’s epistemic virtues are more than just a tool for achieving political goals. Third, an appropriate division of epistemic labour has to overcome the limitations of both individual and collective intelligence.Novo i vibrantno područje epistemologije demokratije ili istraživanje epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije kao društvenog sistema procedura, institucija i praksi nužno, kao interdisciplinarni poduhvat, povezuje epistemologe i filozofe politike. Uprkos mogućim prigovorima da ovakva vrsta diskusije ili nije dovoljno epistemološka ili da nije dovoljno filozofsko-politička, ovaj pristup upravo obeležava nakana usklađivanja političkog i epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije. U ovom se članku bavim nekim temeljnim izazovima vezanim uz prirodu epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije kao i pitanjem koji je najbolji teorijski okvir za usklađivanje političkih i epistemičkih vrednosti. Takođe, posebno važnim smatram pitanje može li predložena podela epistemičkog posla i uključivanje stručnjaka doista poboljšati epistemički kvalitet odlučivanja bez pretnje za političko opravdanje. U članku argumentujem u prilog tri teze; (i) ne samo procedura, već i ishodi demokratije, kao društvenog sistema, treba da budu epistemički vredni, (ii) epistemička vrlina demokratije više je od prikladnog sredstva za političke ciljeve, (iii) podela epistemičkog posla u demokratiji treba da nadiđe kako ograničenja individualne i kolektivne inteligencije
Engagement – As a discursive practice and systemic event
No full textOvaj rad je svojevrsna konfrontacija sa široko prihvaćenom tezom prema kojoj je angažman intencionalno ili mentalno stanje koje je nužno već pre delanja. S jedne strane, oslanjamo se na koncept ontološkog zalaganja. Pokušavamo da ga upotrebimo u društvenom kontekstu, naglašavajući da ono ima implikacije u društvenoj prostornosti. S druge strane, analiziramo i različite pojmove angažmana u teorijama sistema, sa posebnim osvrtom na Parsonsa i Lumana. Na kraju, pokušavamo da pomirimo ove dve koncepcije, ističući da obe predstavljaju dobre argumente protiv „intencionalističke tezeThe paper confronts the widely accepted view according to which engagement is an intentional or mental state that predcedes action. On the one hand, we rely upon the concept of ontological commitment. We try to make use of it in a social context, by emphasizing that engagement involves a social space of implication. On the other hand, we analyze the different concepts of engagement within systems-theoretical approaches, with special attention to Parsons and Luhmann. Finally, we try to recon-cile the two conceptual strategies by accentuating the fact that they can both serve as arguments against the “intentionalist thesis”
Epiktet, razgovori, Loznica: Karpos, 2017 Epiktet, o pitanjima karaktera i moralnog izbora, Beograd: Srpska književna zadruga, 2019
No full textSolidarity Reasoning and Citizenship Agendas: From Socialist Yugoslavia to Neoliberal Serbia
No full textSolidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former
usually operates as the “social glue” for the latter, holding together its formal components such as rights, duties, and membership criteria. The “we” that sets the parameters
for membership and equality is not only legally defined but also discursively produced
and maintained. Here, the rhetoric of solidarity plays an important yet ambiguous role,
as it can advocate for interdependence and full inclusion while at the same time
solidifying the exclusionary “we.” The aim of this article is to show how solidarity
reasoning—the question of with whom we should be solidary and why—plays a functional role in maintaining citizenship agendas, and how this reasoning changes to support and enable shifts in these agendas. The dominant solidarity narratives that have
supported prevailing citizenship agendas in Serbia (and across the post-Yugoslav
space) over the last couple of decades will be discussed, as will counter-narratives that
have served to destabilize hegemonic agendas by envisioning citizenship communities
differently. Today, the ambiguous role solidarity can play within a citizenship agenda
becomes especially obvious in neoliberal regimes, where, as I will show in the case of
contemporary Serbia, calls for solidarity can be deployed to foster very distinct, arguably mutually opposing, kinds of political subjectivities and citizen activism
A Pandemic, terrified World. An Attempt of a Phenomenological Analysis of the Experience of Reality in a Radically Transitional State
No full textU tekstu koji slijedi pokušavamo da razumijemo kosmološke, antro-pološke i etičke aspekte preinačene stvarnosti, iskustva i svijeta usljed izbijanja Pandemije izazvane virusom „korona“. U istraživanju se bavimo promenjenim režimima organizacije egzistencijalnog i so-cijalnog prostora, koji stoji u znaku antropo-horofobije. Ključna odli-ka trenutnog svetskog stanja jeste Veliki strah, koji donosi cezuru u odnosu na dosadašnji tok povijesti. Taj moment je srodan s istorijski već istraženim Velikim strahom u Zapadnoj Evropi na prelazu iz sred-njeg u novi vijek, zbog čega nam je to poslužilo kao referentna meto-dološka matrica za razumijevanje sadašnjeg, prelaznog svijeta. Pored toga, za njega su tipična još dva momenta: hipertrofija emocije („hi-perrealizam straha“) – nasuprot njoj odgovarajućoj stvarnosti, što dovodi do „dezintencionalizacije“ iskustva; društvena rekonstrukcija faktičkog straha i njegova upotreba kao socijalnog veziva i utoliko privremenog „protivotrova“ spram prijeteće implozije nekontrolisa-ne stihije straha, koja bi imala socijalno pogubne posljedice.In the following text, we examine the cosmological, anthropological and ethical as-pects of the reality, experience and world which are transformed due to the pandem-ic outbreak of the Corona virus. In the research, we deal with the changed regimes of the organization of existential and social space, which stands in the sign of anthro-po-horophobia. A key feature of the current world situation is the Great Fear, which brings caesura in relation to the course of history so far. This moment is related to the historically already explored Great Fear in Western Europe at the transition from the Middle Ages to the New Age, which is why it served as a referential methodological matrix for understanding the current, transitional world. In addition, two other mo-ments are typical for him: the hypertrophy of emotion (“hyperrealism of fear“) – as opposed to the corresponding reality, which leads to the “dеsintentionalisation“ of the experience; social reconstruction of factual fear and its use as a social binder and thus a temporary “antidote“ to the threatening implosion of an uncontrolled, elemen-tal fear, which would have socially devastating consequences
