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„Sada je Mi-Vreme“. Hajdegerove Crne sveske u svetlu samokritike sopstvenog NS-angažmana
No full textDer Artikel analysiert Heideggers Haltung zum Nationalsozialismus an-hand seiner privaten Aufzeichnungen, die unter dem Titel Schwarze Hefte in neun Bänden vollständig erschienen sind. Obwohl unbestritten ist, dass Heidegger zwischen 1930 und 1934 ein ausgesprochener An-hänger des nationalsozialistischen Programms war, zeigen seine privaten Schriften, dass er seinen Irrtum und seinen falschen philosophischen Glauben an einen möglichen, durch die nationalsozialistische „Revolu-tion“ zu vollziehenden Neubeginn der Philosophie nach dem Ende der metaphysischen Tradition des philosophischen Denkens eingesehen hat. Der Artikel erläutert, auf welche Weise Heidegger nach 1934 den Na-tionalsozialismus kritisierte sowie die Umstände seines im selben Jahr erfolgten Rücktritts als Rektor der Universität Freiburg.U članku se analizira Hajdegerov odnos prema nacionalsocijalizmu na osnovu njegovih pri vatnih zapisa pod nazivom „Schwarze Hefte“, a koji su ove godine potpuno objavljeni u devet
tomova. Iako je neosporno da je Hajdeger od 1930 do 1934 bio otvoreni pristalica nacionalsocijalističkog programa, njegovi privatni zapisi pokazuju njegovu priznatu zabludu (Irrtum) i
filozofsku zavedenost u mogući novi početak (Anfang) filozofije nakon kraja metafizičke tradicije filozofskog mišljenja, a koji treba da omogući nacionalsocijalistička „revolucija“ u Nemačkoj. Članak tumači kako i na koji način je Hajdeger kritikovao nacionalsocijalizam nakon
1934 i rektorske ostavke iste godine na univerzitetu u Frajburgu
The nature, origins, and consequences of media cynicism and (dis)trust in Serbia
No full textScholars and pundits frequently argue that contemporary professional journalism is experiencing an unprecedented legitimacy crisis. Although the public’s dissatisfaction with news media is not a new phenomenon, its extent, manifestations, and potential democratic implications are becoming
increasingly worrisome. Extant communication scholarship typically interprets this crisis in terms of rapidly increasing media distrust. However, several conceptual and measurement issues surrounding the construct of media (dis)trust have impeded the development of a coherent theory explaining the relevance, causes, and solutions for growing public animosity toward media. Chief among these issues is the absence of a clear understanding of the nature of media distrust, which at times has been described as a reflection of the public’s probing skepticism, and at other times has been equated to a form of debilitating cynicism.
The main argument in this dissertation is that media distrust and cynicism are two related but distinct perceptions of news media that indicate qualitatively different ways in which audiences relate to news media. Diverse theoretical and empirical evidence is presented to substantiate this argument. Combining insights from multidisciplinary research on cynicism and the study of media perceptions, this dissertation proposes a new conceptual definition of media cynicism. Here, media cynicism is defined as a generalized antagonism toward news media characterized by the belief that media actors are motivated exclusively by self-interests and pessimistic views that journalism could not be improved. Based on this definition, a new set of indicators was developed to measure media cynicism. This made it possible to compare and contrast this newly proposed measure of cynicism with the widely used instrument that measures media distrust in terms of dimensionality and relationships with external variables.
Following a complementary mixed-methods design, both quantitative and qualitative data were gathered for analysis. Data were collected in Serbia, a transitioning democracy with recent experience with oppressive regimes. The country’s turbulent history has left a strong mark on how the media operate and how the media are perceived by audiences, making Serbia
an appropriate context to study negative media perceptions. Study 1 employed a web-based survey (N = 502) to test hypotheses relating to dimensionality, antecedents, and consequences of media distrust and cynicism. Both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses results consistently showed that the indicators of media distrust and cynicism are not influenced by the same underlying dimension. Further, structural equation modeling results indicated that the two perceptions could have different origins and consequences. Media (dis)trust appears to be predominately a function of perceived media professionalism, whereas media cynicism was found to be influenced by audience-related, media-related, relational, and contextual factors. The two perceptions may also indicate different ways in which citizens interact with politics and the news. Media distrust was associated with lower political trust and reduced news exposure through mainstream outlets and on social media. Cynicism, in contrast, was found to increase news engagement and exposure to the news through social media.
To complement the findings of Study 1 and elaborate on identified patterns, Study 2 adopted an audience-centric approach to explore perceptions of and experiences with news media in a more holistic manner. This was accomplished by conducting in-depth interviews (N = 20) with diverse participants. Thematic coding of the data revealed that experiences of media distrust and cynicism may differ based on the audience’s political interest, motivation, and self-efficacy. Whereas general media cynicism consistently applies to all media actors indiscriminately, partisan media cynicism only affects uncongenial outlets, and ambivalent media cynicism coexists with a relatively high degree of empathy for newspersons. Participants typically assessed the trustworthiness of specific news outlets or groups of homogenous outlets, and many struggled to apply these assessments to more abstract targets (i.e., news media in general). Although participants commonly used normative terms when evaluating the media (e.g., objectivity, accuracy, and neutrality), many infused such terms with their own biases, indicating a gap between academic and lay understandings of professionalism and trustworthiness of the media. In some cases, participants strongly relied on their self-efficacy instead of media trust, indicating that some audiences perceive much more control over public information than is recognized in the literature. Finally, practices relating to audiences’ media repertoires, news avoidance, and news engagement were found to vary based on the expressions of media distrust and cynicism. Importantly, the findings indicated that under certain conditions, media cynicism could lead to disruptive civic behaviors.
The findings of this dissertation have important theoretical and practical implications. In order to more precisely describe the characteristics of the crisis in audience-media relationships and understand its causes and consequences, future studies should include media cynicism when analyzing media perceptions. Moreover, this dissertation provides analytical tools that can help media practitioners and civic educators to formulate promising solutions to counter the public’s growing discontent with the media and forge democracy-supporting audience-media relationships.많은 학자와 전문가들은 오늘날의 저널리즘이 전례 없는 정당성 위기를 겪고 있다고 주장한다. 역사적으로 볼 때, 언론에 대한 이용자의 불만이 완전히 새로운 현상은 아니지만, 그 규모와 양상, 특히
민주주의에 끼치는 영향의 측면에서 과거와는 다른 우려를 낳고 있다. 이와 관련해 많은 연구자들이 언론과 이용자의 관계를 분석하는 과정에서 ‘미디어 냉소주의’를 ‘미디어 신뢰’ 또는 ‘미디어 불신’과
연관시켜왔다. 그러나 미디어 신뢰(또는 불신)와 미디어 냉소주의를 개념적으로 명확히 구분하지 않은 연구는 오히려 현상의 원인과 해법을 적절하게 제시하는 이론의 개발을 더디게 만들었다. 이러한 혼란은 미디어 불신 및 미디어 냉소주의의 본질적 특성을 명확하게 구분하지 못한 것에서 비롯된 것으로 보인다.
이 논문은 미디어 불신과 미디어 냉소주의가 상호 연관되면서도 질적으로 구분되는 개념이라는 점을 규명했다. 냉소주의에 대한 다학제적 이론적 접근과 뉴스 미디어에 대한 시민의 인식을 다루는
다양한 연구 결과를 바탕으로, 이 논문은 ‘미디어 냉소주의’에 대한 새로운 개념 정의를 제안했다.
이 논문이 재개념화한 미디어 냉소주의는 뉴스 미디어에 대한 일반화된 적대감을 뜻한다. 이는 언론 행위가 주로 자사이기주의적 동기에서 비롯된다는 인식과 저널리즘이 개선되기 어렵다는 비관적
태도로 구성된다. 이 연구는 하위 차원과 지표, 그리고 외적 변수들과의 관계를 중심으로 미디어 냉소주의와 미디어 불신을 비교하고 대조할 수 있었다.
이 연구는 혼합적 연구방법을 적용하여 양적, 질적 자료를 모두 수집했으며, 최근까지 억압적 정치체제를 겪었던 신생 민주국가 세르비아를 대상으로 연구를 수행했다. 세르비아가 겪은 정치사회적
굴곡은 뉴스 미디어의 작동 방식과 시민들의 미디어 인식에도 큰 영향을 미쳤으며, 이는 언론에 대한 부정적 인식을 연구하는 데에 적절한 환경을 제공했다.
은 온라인 설문조사(N = 502)를 통해 미디어 냉소주의와 불신에 대한 측정모델을 검증했다. 탐색적/확증적 요인 분석 결과, 미디어 냉소주의와 불신은 공통의 차원에 영향을 받지 않았으며 상이한 차원들로 구성되는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 미디어 냉소주의와 불신의 원인 및 결과에 대한 구조방정식 모형 분석도 두 개념 사이의 차별성을 확인해 주었다. 미디어 불신의 가장 큰 원인은 미디어 전문성에 대한 이용자 인식으로 나타난 반면, 미디어 냉소주의는 이용자와 미디어 관계와 이용자를 둘러싼 맥락적 요인(예컨대, 지인들의 미디어 적대감 등)에서 비롯되는 것으로 관찰됐다. 또한 미디어 냉소주의와 불신은 미디어 행위와 정치적 행위에도 상이한 결과를 초래하는 것으로 나타났다. 미디어 불신은 정치 불신을 촉진하는 한편 전통적 뉴스 이용을 감소시키는 효과를 보인 반면, 미디어 냉소주의는 소셜미디어를 통한 뉴스 이용을 높이고 뉴스 관여도를 증진하는 것으로 나타났다.
의 결과를 보완하고 정교화하기 위해, 는 이용자 중심의 접근을 통해 이용자의 미디어 인식과 경험을 직접적으로 탐색했다. 이를 위해 다양한 연령대의 미디어 이용자들(N = 20)과 심층 인터뷰를 실시했다.
연구 결과, 시민들이 경험하는 미디어 냉소주의와 불신은 그들의 정치적 관심, 뉴스와 정치에 관심을 가지는 동기, 자기효능감 등에 따라 다르게 나타났다. ‘일반적 미디어 냉소주의’ 집단은 모든 언론인과 언론사를 부정적으로 인식한 반면, ‘정파적 냉소주의’ 집단은 정치적 입장이 다른 언론사에 대해서만 적대감을 나타냈다. ‘양가적 미디어 냉소주의’ 집단은 미디어에 대해 비관적 태도를 보이면서도 언론인들의 상황에 대해서는 상대적으로 높은 공감을 보였다. 인터뷰 참여자들은 특정한 뉴스 미디어의 신뢰성은 수월하게 평가했으나, 추상적 대상, 즉 뉴스 미디어 일반을 평가하는 것에는
능숙하지 않았다. 뉴스 미디어를 평가할 때 인터뷰 참여자들은 종종 규범적 용어들(예컨대, 객관성, 정확성, 혹은 중립성)을 사용했지만, 그 중 많은 사람들이 주관적이고 편향된 방식으로 각 용어를 해석하고 사용하는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 미디어 전문성과 신뢰성에 대한 학문적 이해와 보통 시민들의 인식 사이에 격차가 존재할 수 있음을 암시한다. 일부 시민들은 미디어 신뢰가 아닌 자기효능감에 의존하여 공적 정보의 객관성을 파악하고 판단하는 것으로 나타났다. 이는 선행 연구에서
제기한 것보다 더 높은 수준으로 시민들이 뉴스에 대한 자신의 통제력을 평가하고 있음을 보여준다.
더 나아가, 미디어 냉소주의나 불신의 형태에 따라 이용자들의 미디어 레퍼토리, 뉴스 회피, 뉴스 관여도 등도 달라지는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 특정 미디어 냉소주의 유형은 시민적, 사회적 소통에
매우 부정적인 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 이 논문의 연구 결과는 중요한 이론적, 실천적 함의를 가진다. 무엇보다 이 연구는 이용자-미디어 관계 위기의 본질을 정확하게 이해하고 그 원인과 결과를 적절하게 설명하기 위해서 향후 연구는 냉소주의를 중심으로 시민들의 미디어 인식을 탐색해야 한다고 제안했다. 미디어에 대한 시민들의 불만에 대처하고 민주주의에 기여하는 방식으로 미디어와 이용자 관계를 개선하기 위해, 미디어 전문가와 시민 교육자들은 이 논문의 분석적 도구를 유용하게 활용할 수 있을 것이다
Jugoslavija ili Balkanska federacija? Dileme jugoslovenskih komunista u doba Oktobarske revolucije
No full textDo proleća 1917. godine, na teritoriji (bivšeg) Ruskog carstva našlo se nekoliko desetina hiljada ratnih zarobljenika Južnih Slovena, od kojih su se mnogi direktno uključili u revolucionarna događanja započeta padom monarhije u februaru. Nakon Oktobarske revolucije, hiljade Bugara, Hrvata, Slovenaca i Srba borile su se na strani boljševika. Od 1918. godine, imali su svoju Južnoslovensku komunističku grupu pri Boljševičkoj partiji, kao i novine Svetska revolucija. Grupa se, međutim, brzo sukobila po pitanju ustrojstva posleratnog projekta. Jedni su se zalagali za stvaranje Jugoslavije kao države Južnih Slovena, dok su drugi smatrali da buduća socijalistička država treba biti Balkanska federacija, stari projekat balkanske socijaldemokratije. Ovo neslaganje dovelo je u konačnici do odvajanja Bugara iz Južnoslovenske komunističke grupe. Iako pitanje buduće radničke federacije na Balkanu nije razrešeno čak ni formiranjem Komunističke internacionale, ova zaboravljena rana debata između tada vodećih južnoslovenskih komunista bila je uvod u kasnije marksističke rasprave o nacionalnom pitanju u Bugarskoj i Kraljevini SHS. Analiza ovih projekata otvara pitanja o prijemu boljševičkih ideja među Južnim Slovenima, kontinuitetu i diskontinuitetu marksističke misli među balkanskim socijalistima pre i posle 1917. godine, kao i o razvoju koncepta lenjinističkog prava na samoopredeljenje u kontekstu političke situacije na Balkanu u posleratnom periodu
Srpski liberali i Hrvatsko proljeće: hrvatskosrpski odnosi i novi koncepti Jugoslavije krajem 1960-ih i početkom 1970-ih
No full textU radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslovenske reformske orijentacije i talasa liberalizacije nakon Brionskog plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslovenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, nerešeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete saradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji
On politics and social science – the subject-object problem in social science and Foucault’s engaged epistemology
No full textThe epistemological problem of the relationship between the subject of knowledge and
the object being known has it’s form in social science as a problem of the relationship between a
social scientist as a researcher and society and it’s phenomena as an object of this inquiry. As
Berger and Kellner note in their book “Sociology Reinterpreted” a social scientist is necessarily a
part of the object he studies, being embedded in a position in society from which he studies it.
Hence social sciences as scientific endeavors face a problem of the inseperability of their
researchers from object they study. Two main solutions two this problem have arisen: positivism
and interpretivism. Positivism postulates that rigorous methods for research will insure that
objective knowledge will be produced while interpretivism sees society only as an aggregate of
individuals whose interactions should be interpreted. A third epistemological framework has
arisen in the first half of the twentieth century usually called “critical theory”. Critical theory
states that researchers should aim their research towards changing the object they are
researching, therefore their scientific practice should have extra-scientific effects, namely
political effects. This perspective violates Webers postulate of value neutrality which claims that
social sciences can only study the state of affairs but can’t subscribe desirable ways of action. As
we will see the main topic of our paper is the epistemological framework of the work of Michel
Foucault and his contribution to the resolution of the problematic relation between a researcher
and his research object in social science. We will claim that Foucault broadly falls into the
critical theory paradigm but manages to solve it’s conflict with the value neutrality postulate.
Foucault envisions society as an amalgam of discursive and non-discursive practices that
interconnect in a way that gives them regularity and coherence through time. As Gayatri Spivak
notices for Foucault discursive practices create meaning and in doing so chart a way for nondiscursive
practices and therefore for action. This can be seen as an explanation for Foucault’s
well known postulate of the relationship between power and knowledge, discursive practices
create knowledge that makes visible certain paths for action. Both of these types of practices
intertwine to create what Foucault calls “dispositifs” that can be seen as mechanisms that bind discursive and non-discursive practices in a coherent manner and enable their regular repetition
through time. Foucault calls his methodology “genealogy” and sees it as a historical research of
the emergence of dipositifs. Genealogy is a historical research of the contingent ways in which
practices got interconnected in the past to create dispositifs we see today. As Foucault claims
genealogy begins with a “question posed in the present” about a certain dispositive and then
charts historical events and processes that led to its current form. The main aim of genealogy is
to show that there is no transcendental necessity for a certain dispositif to exist in it’s current
form by exposing the historical contingency that led to it’s current state. Foucault claimed that
his intent was to show that there is no metaphysical necessity that grounds the existences of
dispositifs and hence that their current form is arbitrary. As we can see Foucault follows his
postulate on the relationship between knowledge and power and formulates his scientific practice
as an opening of possibilities for different forms of action. This is way he calls his books
“experiments” and claims that they are to be used for readers to re-examine their own links to the
currently existing dispositifs and possibilities of their alternative arrangements. But as Foucault
claims the genealogical method doesn’t include normative prescriptions and can be seen only as
a form of an anti-metaphysical “unmasking” of current dispositifs. This unmasking doesn’t
prescribe a desirable form to any dispositive but only shows that it can be arranged in different
ways. Hence we can say that Foucault sees the relationship between a researcher and his object
of study as a form of an intervention of the subject that aims at showing that the object is an
arbitrary construction. In that regard Foucault falls into the critical theory paradigm. Where he
differs from critical theory is his anti-normative stance that refuses to prescribe any desirable
form of action unlike for example Horkheimer who in his essay on critical theory claims that
“the task of the theorist is to push society towards justice”. Foucault claims that his research
results should be used as “instruments” in political struggles but he himself doesn’t ever
proclaim a desirable political goal. So we can conclude that Foucault solves the problem of the
subject-object relation in social science by envisioning the research process as a practice of
production of tools for social change. Therefore he connects social science to extra-scientific
political goals but doesn’t violate the value neutrality postulate because his research doesn’t
prescribe any concrete political goals but only shows the possibility for social change
Biopolemološka istorija planete
No full textU tekstu koji slijedi dajemo filozofsku analizu filma „Planet majmuna”
The Periodical Women’s Movement in The Debate on The Post-Yugoslav Literature
No full textOslanjajući se na mogućnosti koje istraživačicama i istraživačima pruža ne samo digitalizacija časopisne građe, već i prostor digitalne humanistike u kome se u novoj „trećoj dimenziji” povezuju udaljeni prostor i vreme i u njima proizvođeni tekstovi, u tekstu se pokušava dopuniti, a na neki način i problematizovati već skoro dve decenije duga debata o postjugoslovenskoj književnosti. Prateći diskurs časopisa Ženski pokret i njegove varijante u različitim novinarskim i teorijskim prilozima u periodu od desetak godina (približno 1920–1930), može se raspoznati tipologija jugoslovenske kulture i književnosti koja je, kao i ovaj časopis u celini, ostala izvan dominantnih književnoistorijskih i književnoteorijskih matrica. Ovakvom analizom Ženski pokret se upisuje u istoriju (post)jugoslovenske književnosti, još jednom otkrivajući njene feminističke principe, ali i teorijske koncepcije oko kojih se i dalje pregovara, a koje su bivale artikulisane još na stranicama ovog časopisa. Tako postaje moguće čitanje ovog trenutka postjugoslovenske sadašnjosti kroz Ženski pokret kao prvi feministički, teorijski i jugoslovenski orijentisan časopis.The apparatus of digital humanities, accompanied by a “temporal turn” in the studies of literature and culture stirred the analysis of the Women’s Movement periodical as a forerunner or vanguard discourse of this literature. The periodical’s articles, in which the issues of literally and cultural Yugoslavism, feminism, female authorship, class and socio-economic issues, the feminist public and finally female, feminine and feminist writing are discussed, are interpreted to support attempts to define and conceptualize post-Yugoslav literary discourse itself. The fact that Women’s Movement was not a strictly literary periodical has been linked to the concept – necessary for post-Yugoslav literature – of the literary field (Bourdieu), and further to the critical question of the autonomy of art. In this way the paradoxical proposal from the title of this essay, to include the texts from the 1920s and 1930s into the debate referring to literature produced almost a hundred years later, becomes in fact a necessary undertaking. Reading Women’s Movement today is an exploration of the early 20th century and its discourse which existed beyond the dominant theoretical matrices. That is why revisiting it initiates the archaeological research of the present. By finding textual and literary evidence for a different understanding of Yugoslavism – as a feeling of identity and a cultural concept inseparable from feminism – but also different understanding of culture generally, post-Yugoslav literature could be seen as a part of that feminist, affinity-based and pluralist community envisaged in the periodical Women’s Movement
Novels from periphery in the contexts of literary globalisation: How Serbian novelists enter the centre of the global literary filed?
No full textIn this article, we analyse how novels written on peripheral languages access the centre of the
global literary world. The empirical section of this paper focuses on the case of the contemporary
novels primarily written in Serbian, their circulation beyond national borders and linguistic and
social obstacle that determine the circulation. Based on qualitative analysis of interviews with thirty
Serbian authors we investigate their strategies and challenges that they face during the process of
translation of their novels and finding publishers abroad. The analysis points to power relation in
global literary filed, and variety of factors (political, economic, cultural, and social) that influence
translation process and publishing mechanisms. The article also suggests that position in the local
field, in terms of distinction between the small-scale or large-scale production, affects writers’
willingness to participate in the centre of the global field and their interpretations of the global
literary market and its logics. On the theoretical level, using Bourdieu’s field theory and concept
of symbolic capital developed in postbourdiusian studies of the global market of translation, helps
explaining power relation in the local and global literary filed, as well as opportunities and
limitations experienced by Serbian novelist in connection to entering the centre of the global
literary field
Visiting Auntie Ilonka: Virtual Homecoming to a Vojvodina Hungarian Village
No full textThe presentation and the paper aim at exploring forms of localized identities among Hungarian speakers in Vojvodina, Serbia through the discourse analysis of two Facebook pages. The two pages, whose titles can roughly be translated as Auntie Ilonka and University in Front of the Store, circulate content in the form of memes that build on a rural Vojvodinian Hungarian identity. Using a vernacular that is both rural, stigmatized as “peasant”, “uneducated” and “incorrect” and hybridized with Serbian phrases, the two pages mimic the form and the content elderly people in Hungarian villages in Serbia use in their speech. Yet, I argue, the aim of the pages is not mere mockery, but the memes and the numerous comments under them serve to recreate an imaginary home for the participants. The need for this recreation emerge as a result of social change in Vojvodina Hungarian society. First, it follows a generational shift, because few of younger and middle-aged Hungarians from Vojvodina still use the dialect captured in the Facebook pages. Second, the vernacular used in the memes is also class-based, and vanishing with urbanization and the social mobility of the younger generation. Third, the loss of the dialect and the cultural references in the Facebook pages is connected to a demographic change: as Hungarians from Vojvodina have been leaving the region in large numbers in the past decades, fora such as Auntie Ilonka and University in Front of the Store are becoming a virtual space of identity, home and nostalgia.Konferenciju je organizovao Univerzitet Sedertorn, Stokholm, Švedsk
Sociologije nostalgija
No full textNajčešće shvaćena kao sentimentalna čežnja za prošlošću, nostalgija je u proteklih nekoliko vekova postala opšteprisutna, složena i polivalentna socijalna, psihička, kulturna i istorijska pojava i predmet razmatranja lekara, pisaca, filozofa, teoretičara i naučnika. Dok je u 17. veku smatrana bolešću, u savremenom društvu postala je, kako kaže Ana Petrov, profesorka na Fakultetu za medije i komunikacije, „svojevrsna epidemija najraznovrsnijih simptoma modernog i postmodernog društva“, koja se može manifestovati prustovski kao žal za prošlim vremenom, kao emocija, stanje, narativ, ideologija. Dok jedni u njoj prepoznaju emancipatorski potencijal, drugi je vide kao eskapizam i antipod političkom aktivizmu; jedni je razumevaju u najširem smislu kao društvenu emociju i kontinuiranu istorijsku pojavu, drugi, pak, kao savremeni kulturni fenomen. Knjiga Sociologije nostalgija nastoji da osvetli ovaj fenomen iz različitih perspektiva, i
to prevashodno tipološke, filozofske, sociološke, a, zatim, i da ponudi studiju slučaja na primeru jugonostalgije, kako bi na kraju razmotrila mogućnosti za jedno konstruktivnije shvatanje nostalgije od uobičajenog