University of Arts in Belgrade
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Etika i književnost: Levinas i književna kritika
No full textThe question posed by this text is: can we use Levinasian ethics in the field of literary studies? In order to provide the answer, Levinas’s attitude toward art will need to be analyzed. His work contains numerous scattered remarks about literature and other arts, but the most explicit statement on the relationship between art and ethics can be found in his essay “Reality and Its Shadow”. Since Levinas’s view on art in this essay is predominantly negative, it poses a significant problem for the application of his theory in the field of literary studies. In order to overcome this difficulty, I use Blanchot’s reworking of Levinasian ethics, and open the possibility of a different relation between literature and ethics than the one originally suggested by Levinas.Ovaj tekst postavlja sledeće pitanje: možemo li koristiti Levinasovu etiku u polju studija književnosti? Prvi korak u odgovoru na pomenuto pitanje biće analiza odnosa Emanulela Levinasa prema umetnosti. Njegovo celokupno delo sadrži mnogobrojne reference na književna i druga umetnička dela, ali najeksplicitnije teze o odnosu između umetnosti i etike nalaze se u njegovom eseju „Realnost i njena senka“. Levinasov pogled na književnost i umetnost je u ovom eseju u potpunosti negativan i zato automatska primena njegove teorije u studijama književnosti predstavlja ozbiljan problem. Kako bi prevazišli ovaj problem i otvorili mogućnost za jedan drugačiji odnos između etike i književnosti ovaj rad će predstaviti reinterpretaciju Levinasove etike od strane Morisa Blanšoa
Econativism and Appropriation of Green Politics: Controversies Over The Opening Of The Rio Tinto Lithium Mine in Loznica and The Shutdown of The Pljevlja Thermal Power Plant
No full textU članku se tumače nalazi uporedne etnografske studije o sociokul-turnim implikacijama najavljenog otvaranja rudnika litijuma Rio Tinto u Loznici u Srbiji i gašenja termoelektrane Pljevlja u Crnoj Gori. U oba konteksta, koji su kontinuirano na ivici velike društvene konfrontaci-je, narativ je vođen populizmom zasnovanim na poricanju nauke s jedne strane i ekonativizmu sa druge. Uočava se snažan narativni na-boj koji je argument odgurnuo od konvencionalnog skupa ciljeva ze-lene politike – očuvanja životne sredine, pacifizma, poštovanja ljud-skih i manjinskih prava – u nacionalističko-apokaliptični idiom, inače uobičajen u srpskom i crnogorskom društvu. Stavljanje na stranu po-tlačenih/proučavanih tipična je tehnika antropologije kao kulturne kritike. Naša strategija istraživanja zasnovana je na pretpostavci da se kulturno-kritički ciljevi ne moraju ostvarivati kulturno- kritičkim sred-stvima, pa smo se odlučili da umesto toga uključimo zainteresovane strane, pristup koji je već doveo do izvesnog uspeha u uporedivim slučajevima zapaljivih društvenih sporova kao što su međuetnički razdori u pogledu očuvanja kulturnog nasleđa manjina. Međutim, ta-kav rezultat se u ovoj situaciji pokazao nemogućim, dok su nalazi dosadašnjih etnografskih istraživanja prilično sumorni. Zelena politi-ka je danas ugrožena stalnim nacionalističkim prisvajanjem, baš kao što su liberalni, demokratski i proevropski ciljevi bili predmet nacio-nalističkog prisvajanja od ranih 2000-ih u uzaludnom pokušaju da se prilagode duboko retradicionalizovanom društvu. U dogledno vreme, antikorporativno koketiranje sa ekonativističkim narativom, koji u javnosti proizvodi antirazvojne posledice, trebalo bi da uzme u obzir činjenicu da dovodi u pitanje ne samo razvoj već i osnovne ciljeve Otvorenog društva.The article outlines the conclusions of comparative ethnographic research on the so-cio-cultural ramifications of the Rio Tinto lithium mine’s announced opening in Lozni-ca, Serbia, and the shutdown of the Pljevlja thermal power plant in Montenegro. In both contexts on the verge of major societal conflict, the narrative is driven by popu-lism based on scientific denialism on the one hand and econativism on the other. There is a powerful narrative charge that has moved the debate away from the standard set of green policy aims - environmental conservation, pacifism, respect for human and minority rights - and into a nationalist-apocalyptic idiom otherwise prevalent in Ser-bian and Montenegrin culture. Our research strategy is based on the assumption that culturally critical goals do not have to be achieved through culturally critical means, so we decided to involve stakeholders instead, a strategy that has already resulted in some success in comparable cases of flammable social disputes such as inter-ethnic strife. However, in this case, such a goal turned out impossible to achieve, and the outcomes so far were fairly bleak. Green politics is under threat from nationalist ap-propriation, much as liberal, democratic, and pro-European aims have been the target of nationalist appropriation since the early 2000s in a vain attempt to adapt to a pro-foundly re-traditionalized society. Anti-corporate flirting with the econativist narra-tive, which has anti-development effects in public, should consider the fact that it calls into question not just development but also the fundamental ideals of the Open Society
Critical Overview of the Citizens Participation in the Energy Transition Through the Energy Democracy and Citizenship: Institutes of Prosumer and Energy Community from Theory to Practice in the Republic of Serbia
No full textU borbi protiv klimatskih promena, posledice osećaju, ali i odgovor-nost snose, svi, kako pravna, tako i fizička lica. Imajući u vidu sve veći negativni uticaj klimatskih promena na životnu sredinu, raste pritisak na energetski sektor, kao najodgovorniji za emisije štetnih gasova, dok su, sa druge strane, domaćinstva i pojedinci sve više zaintereso-vani da doprinesu smanjenju uticaja koji imaju na životnu sredinu i klimatske promene. U procesu energetske tranzicije, paradigma cen-tralizovanog energetskog sektora je iz osnova promenjena. Izazovi decentralizacije i neophodnih promena na svim nivoima delovanja u sektoru energetike stavljeni su pred društvo i građane, a sve u cilju zaštite životne sredine. Kroz koncepte o energetskoj demokratiji i građanstvu, razvijeni su i instituti kupca-proizvođača i energetske zajednice. Dok se u državama širom Evrope, ovi instituti primenjuju već više od 20 godina, u Srbiji se tek zakonodavnim novinama u obla-sti energetike iz 2021. godine omogućava građanima da na svoje krovove postave solarne panele i da višak proizvedene električne energije isporuče u sistem. U teoriji to znači da građani pojedinačno, ili udruženi, proizvode električnu energiju i time direktno doprinose i energetskoj tranziciji i smanjenju svojih računa. U praksi, konkretan doprinos građana zavisi od regulatorne postavke koja može doneti brojne izazove. Cilj ovog istraživanja je da predstavi kako su ovi insti-tuti definisani u direktivama Evropske unije, dâ kritički osvrt na njiho-vu dosadašnju primenu u Srbiji, kao i da predstavi izazove i diskutuje mogućnosti za njihovo unapređenje. Korišćeni metodi u radu su pre-gled literature, uporedna analiza instituta, kao i neformalni nestruk-tuirani intervjui sa ekspertima. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da, ia-ko novi, ovi instituti bude veliko interesovanje stručne javnosti i građana, dok njihova primena u praksi razotkriva manjkavosti prav-nog sistema i nedovoljnog razumevanja i učešća građana u sektoru energetike, što utiče na tok i brzinu energetske tranzicije u Srbiji.In the fight against climate change, everyone, both natural and legal persons, feels the consequences and bears the responsibility. Having in mind the increasing impact of climate change on the environment, the pressure is growing on the energy sector, as the most responsible for greenhouse gas emissions, while, on the other hand, house-holds and individuals are wondering how they can contribute and reduce the impacts they have on the environment in their daily life. The energy transition fundamentally changes the paradigm of the centralized energy sector and introduces the challenge of decentralization and required changes at different levels, with the final aim of pro-tecting the environment. Through the concepts of energy democracy and citizenship, the institutes of prosumer and energy community have also evolved. While in coun-tries across Europe, these institutes have been applied for more than 20 years, in Ser-bia, only the latest amendments to the law in the field of energy in 2021 enabled citi-zens to install solar panels on their roofs and deliver surpluses to the grid. In theory, this means that citizens, individually or jointly, produce electricity and thereby directly contribute to the energy transition and reduce their electricity bills. In practice, the actual contribution of citizens depends on the regulatory setting, which can cause numerous challenges. This research aims to present how these institutes are defined in the European Union legislation, provide a critical review of their current implemen-tation in Serbia, and present challenges and discuss opportunities for their improve-ment. The methods used in this paper are literature review, comparative analysis of institutes and informal, unstructured interviews with experts. The research results show that, although new, these institutes greatly interest the professional public and citizens. At the same time, their application in practice reveals the legal system’s short-comings and poor understanding and participation of citizens in the energy sector, which affects the course and speed of the energy transition in Serbia
Metaverse through the prism of power and addiction: what will happen when the virtual world becomes more attractive than reality?
No full textNew technologies are emerging at a fast pace without being properly analyzed in terms of their social impact or adequately regulated by societies. One of the biggest potentially disruptive technologies for the future is the metaverse, or the new Internet, which is being developed by leading tech companies. The idea is to create a virtual reality universe that would allow people to meet, socialize, work, play, entertain, and create. Methods coming from future studies are used to analyze expectations and narrative building around the metaverse. Additionally, it is examined how metaverse could shape the future relations of power and levels of media addiction in the society. Hype and disappointment dynamics created after the video presentation of meta’s CEO Mark Zuckerberg have been found to affect the present, especially in terms of certainty and designability. This idea is supported by a variety of data, including search engine n-grams, trends in the diffusion of NFT technology, indications of investment interest, stock value statistics, and so on. It has been found that discourse in the mentioned presentation of the metaverse contains elements of optimism, epochalism, and inventibility, which corresponds to the concept of future
essentialism. On the other hand, power relations in society, inquired through the prism of classical theorists, indicate that current trends in the concentration of power among Big Tech could expand even more if the metaverse becomes mainstream. Technology deployed by the metaverse may create an attractive environment that would mimic direct reality and further stimulate media addiction in society. It is proposed that future inquiries examine how virtual reality affects the psychology of individuals and groups, their creative capacity, and imagination. Also, virtual identity as a human right and recommender systems as a public good need to be considered in future theoretical and empirical endeavors
Mapping Minority Multilingualism: Perspectives from Central and South-Eastern European Borderlands – Introduction to the Thematic Issue
No full textThe essays in this thematic issue explore an important but often overlooked legacy of European multilingualism and the various power asymmetries and ideological values that characterize it, namely the multilingual practices of ethno-linguistic groups on Europe’s south-eastern periphery. Although the European Union has in the past twenty years adopted legislation that explicitly celebrates and supports multilingualism, linguistic diversity and minority language rights, its
language policy has received criticism for tending to rely on and embolden national
standardizing language regimes (Gal 2006; Leech 2017; Mandić and Belić 2018). Indeed, the European focus on the protection of language diversity and language rights appears to reaffirm a static model of language in that it relies upon “the idea of a European polity based on the cooperation of distinct nation states” and upon related codified languages which can be traced back to ideologies of Romantic authenticity and Enlightenment universality (Leech 2017: 34–35;
Gal 2011). Scholars of the EU’s language and multilingualism policy found that the official discourses oscillate between highlighting traditional cultural values like diversity and the right to education in the speakers’ first language on the one hand, and promoting economic values and ideologies on the other hand (Krzyżanowski and Wodak 2011; Romaine 2013).Есеји у овом тематском броју истражују важно, али често занемарено наслеђе европске вишејезичности, као и асиметрије моћи и идеолошке вредности које га одликују, односно вишејезичне праксе етнолингвистичких група на југоисточној периферији Европе. Иако је Европска унија у протеклих двадесет година усвојила законодавство које експлицитно слави и подржава вишејезичност, језичку разноликост и језичка права мањина, њена језичка политика је критикована због склоности да се ослања на националне језичке режиме стандардизације (Gal 2006; Leech 2017; Mandić and Belić 2018). Заиста, чини се да европска усредсређеност на заштиту језичке разноликости и језичких права заправо реафирмише статични модел језика, јер се ослања на „европску политику засновану на сарадњи различитих националних држава“ и на, с њима повезане, кодификоване националне језике, а такве идеје потичу од идеологија романтичарске аутентичности и просветитељске универзалности (Leech 2017: 34–35; Gal 2011). Проучаваоци језичке и вишејезичне политике Европске уније показали су да званични дискурси осцилирају између истицања радиционалних културних вредности попут различитости и права на образовање на првом („матерњем“) језику говорника, с једне стране, и промовисања економских вредности и идеологија, с друге стране (Krzyżanowski and Wodak 2011; Romaine 2013)
Kažnjena smrt
No full textВ статье предпринимается попытка истолковать насилие как борьбу со смертью, осуществляемую ее же средствами. Освобождаясь от своей зависимости от природы, человек в творческом порыве создает собственный универсум социокультуры, эквивалентный естественному миру. Смерть, однако, не может получить никакого конструктивного замещения. Она попирается смертью же. Насилие в нашей социальной жизни предупреждает то отрицание, которым грозит нам наличие Другого, сталкиваясь с которым мы ступаем на нашу финальную границу.The article attempts to interpret violence as a struggle against death, carried out by its own
means. In emancipating himself from dependence on nature, man generates in his creative
élan his own universe of socioculture, equivalent to the natural world. Death, however,
cannot receive any constructive substitution, trampled by death itself. Violence in our social
life prevents the negation, with which the presence of the Other threatens us. By confron tation with the Other, we reach our final frontier.U radu se daje pokušaj tumačenja nasilja kao borbe sa smrću, koja se vodi upravo njenim
sredstvima. Oslobađajući se od svoje zavisnosti od prirode, čovek u stvaralačkom porivu gra di sopstveni univerzum sociokulture, ekvivalentan prirodnom svetu. Smrt pak ne može da
dobije nikakvu konstruktivnu zamenu. Ona se ruši samom smrću. Nasilje u našem socijalnom
životu upozorava na odricanje kojim nam preti postojanje Drugoga, u sukobu s kojim stupa mo na našu finalnu grani
The Ethics and Politics of Care in Times of Crises
No full textThis essay is based on The Global Ethics of Care round-table discussion which was organized by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory at the University of Belgrade in June 2021. The idea for organizing a discussion on this topic emerged as all societies were, and still are, facing a myriad of pressing moral and political issues that the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 triggered or, perhaps more precisely, intensified in a dramatic and abrupt way. If it had not been obvious before, indeed, the (ongoing) COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the fact that human beings are needy and vulnerable creatures who depend on one another for physical and emotional care; speaking quite generally, moreover, it deepened various pre-existing inequalities both within and between sovereign states. What are the implications of recognizing human neediness, vulnerability, dependence and interdependence for the ways in which individuals act, the manner in which many societies are currently organized as well as existing domestic and international political practice? What do the values of freedom, equality and care require in times of crises on both the individual and the collective level? Can the ethics of care revitalize our moral commitment to equal human worth as well as to a decent life for all? In this essay, we explore and attempt to provide answers to these and other pertinent questions from the standpoint of the ethics and politics of care
O knjizi Sandre Šćepanović Empedokle: o ustrojstvu sveta i ljudskoj sudbini (fragmente s grčkog prevela Marjanca Pakiž), Akademska knjiga, Novi Sad, 2021.
No full textTri rata u Hegelovoj filozofiji
No full textU radu pokazujem da Hegelovo shvatanje rata, kao uslova državne suverenosti, poseduje više protivrečnosti. Ove protivrečnosti se tiču posebno modernih ratova, pa oni time nisu u mogućnosti da igraju ulogu potpore političkog jedinstva. Na prvom mestu nudim objašnjenje za Hegelovo razumevanje rata kao nužnosti politike sa fokusom na pojam „hrabrosti“ koji on uzima kao alternativu teoriji društvenog ugovora. U sledećem koraku argumentujem da pojam hrabrosti u Hegelovoj političkoj filozofiji ne može da ispuni sve uslove kojim bi se garantovala suverenost moderne države. Ovo činim kroz tipologiju ratova koje Hegel navodi — kolonijalni, ograničeni i totalni rat — gde pokazujem da nijedan od ovih ratova nije u sposobnosti da očuva političko jedinstvo u modernosti. Konačno, zaključujem da moderni ratovi imaju smisla isključivo u okviru Hegelove svetske istorije, ali ne i njegove političke filozofije
Unleashing the Potential for Change through Social Movements and Civic Initiatives
No full textThe past decade in the Western Balkans has seen a proliferation of civic initiatives and protest. They have focused on a variety of issues, ranging from the destruction of urban space, environmental destruction, to corruption scandals, and even unresolved murders. Whereas their success has varied, they showed that many citizens in the region are deeply dissatisfied with the lack of accountability of the ruling regimes, and ready to actively engage in their societies. Local civic initiatives and new forms of civic engagement prove to be worthy of further attention for exploring democratization potentials in the region. With their focus on tangible and concrete issues affecting that are affecting the daily lives of citizens, they have a high mobilization potential and ability to cut across ethnic divides and enhance citizens’ sense of agency. Even with limited impact achieved or fast dissipation, they nevertheless create a new momentum in the public discourse and collective memory, from which the new opportunity structures emerge for future possible changes