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Introduction
No full textAddressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints
Editor’s Note. The Ever-Emerging Memory: Holocaust at The Crossroads of Media, Ethics, and Consumerism
No full textDeliberativna demokratija – teorija i praksa: slučaj građanske skupštine održane u Beogradu
No full textIn this paper, we examine whether it is possible to improve democracy by encouraging ordinary citizens to participate in political decision-making and if participation in deliberative institutions can make citizens more competent decision-makers. By using qualitative data, we analyze the discussion from the Belgrade citizens’ assembly (CA) focused on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone in the city center. The CA was organized in Serbia for the first time, as part of a research project aimed at promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans. The goal was to encourage the involvement of citizens in discussions of public interest. Our hypothesis was that, through the process of participation and deliberation in CA, ordinary citizens can make reasonable and informed choices, increase their knowledge of the issue discussed, and become more motivated to participate in political decision-making on the local level. Our qualitative content analysis suggests that deliberation had a positive impact on participants’ knowledge of the chosen topic of the assembly. It also shows that citizens used exhaustive explanations rather than brief statements, could differentiate the good arguments from the bad, and more often appealed to general rather than private interests. Participants in the assembly reported a significant increase in interest in political decision-making that affects their lives, as well as a sense of being informed about politics. Finally, we wanted to draw attention to the challenges and open questions that remain, namely those that concern the impact of a deliberative body on political decision-making in the real world.U ovom radu ispitujemo da li je moguć e unaprediti demokratiju podsticanjem običnih građana da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka i da li učešć e u deliberativnim institucijama može da učini građane kompetentnijim donosiocima odluka. Koristeć i kvalitativne podatke, analizirali smo diskusiju koja se odvijala unutar građanske skupštine (GS) održane u Beogradu, koja je za temu imala pitanje proširenja pešačke zone u centru grada. Ovo je bila prva GS u Srbiji, organizovana kao deo istraživačkog projekta usmerenog na promovisanje i unapređenje inovativnih demokratskih praksi na Zapadnom Balkanu. Cilj je bio da se podstakne uključivanje građana u rasprave od javnog interesa. Pretpostavke od kojih smo pošli su bile da, kroz proces učešć a i odlučivanja u građanskoj skupštini, obični građani mogu doneti promišljene i informisane izbore, poveć ati svoje znanje o temi o kojoj se raspravlja i postati motivisaniji da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka na lokalnom nivou. Naša analiza sadržaja diskusije unutar GS sugeriše da je deliberacija pozitivno uticalo na znanje učesnika o temi skupštine. Pokazano je da su građani tokom rasprave koristili iscrpna i složena objašnjenja, a ne kratke izjave, da su bili u stanju da razlikuju dobre od loših argumenata i češć e se pozivali na opšte nego na privatne interese. Učesnici skupštine su iskazali značajno poveć anje interesovanja za političko donošenje odluka koje utiču na njihove živote, kao i oseć aja informisanosti o politici. Na kraju, želeli smo da skrenemo pažnju na izazove i otvorena pitanja koja ostaju – ona koja se tiču pitanja uticaja deliberativnih institucija na političko odlučivanje u stvarnom svetu
Ciceron i Hobs o ličnosti države
No full textThe importance of Thomas Hobbes’s account of personation and representation can hardly be overstated. And his intellectual debt to one of his classical foes, Marcus Tullius Cicero, can hardly be ignored. This paper compares Hobbes’s ideas on personhood of the state with Cicero’s notion of persona civitatis, and attempts to describe how Hobbes reshaped Cicero’s guidelines for (re)presenting legitimate authority into a prop for defending any effective authority. Hobbes absorbs Cicero’s influential argument and builds on the idea of civic representation as guardianship done by role-playing, while tearing down Cicero’s account’s ethical foundations. In contrast to Cicero’s magistrate, the social role of Hobbes’s sovereign is not scripted by ethical constrains: its purpose is not to restrict license, but to present it.Teško je prenaglasiti važnost ideja Tomasa Hobsa o licu, ličnosti i predstavljaju. Takođe, teško je zanemariti dug koji u ovom pogledu Hobs ima prema jednom od svojih klasičnih suparnika, Marku Tuliju Ciceronu. U ovom radu poredim Hobsove ideje o ličnosti države sa Ciceronovim pojmom persone civitatis i nastojim da opišem kako je Hobs oblikovao Ciceronova uputstva za predstavljanje legitimne vladavine u mehanizam za odbranu bilo kakve efektivne vladavine. Hobs apsorbuje Ciceronovu uticajnu argumentaciju i razvija njegovu ideju političkog predstavljanja kao uloge i jedne vrste starateljstva, pri čemu uklanja etičke temelje Ciceronove teorije. Za razliku od uloge Ciceronovog magistrata, društvena uloga Hobsovog suverena nije uslovljena etičkim ograničenjima: njena svrha nije da ublaži samovolju dužnosnika već da joj pruži opravdanje
Stavovi građana o izbornom procesu 2022
No full textCilj istraživanja bio je utvrđivanje stavova građana i građanki Srbije u vezi sa parlamentarnim, predsedničkim i lokalnim izborima 3. aprila 2022. godine. Ispitani su načini informisanja o društveno-političkim temama, politički stavovi, znanje o izbornom procesu, stavovi o izbornim nepravilnostima, kao i očekivanja u vezi s izborima
O položaju i iskustvima sezonskih radnica u poljoprivredi u savremenoj Srbiji. Može li se govoriti o elementima strukturnog nasilja?
No full textThe paper examines the socioeconomic status and experiences of women employed as seasonal agricultural workers, indicating the elements of structural and other forms of violence to which they are exposed. As a form of employment, seasonal work has been legally defined in Serbia only since 2018, and it remains a partially regulated sector marked by different forms of social exclusion. Feminist (anthropological) literature dealing with the gender aspect of seasonal agricultural work in different parts of the world has pointed to the serious problem of inequality and social marginalisation. The analysis of social, economic, cultural, legal and other structures involved in the organisation and control of these job positions, as well as the work process itself, has helped identify the ways in which the unequal status of female seasonal workers continues to be (re)produced and sustained, which leads to the question of structural violence against this category of women.U radu se razmatraju društveno-ekonomski položaj i iskustva žena koje su angažovane na sezonskim poslovima u poljoprivredi, i ukazuje se na elemente strukturnog i drugih vidova nasilja kojima su sezonske radnice izložene. Kao vid radnog angažmana, sezonski rad – zakonski izdvojen tek 2018. godine na području Srbije – i dalje čini delimično regulisanu oblast u kojoj se uočavaju različiti vidovi društvene isključenosti. Feministički orijentisana (antropološka) literatura koja se bavi rodnom dimenzijom sezonskih poslova u poljoprivredi u različitim delovima sveta ukazuje na značajne probleme nejednakosti i društvene marginalizacije. Na osnovu analize društvenih, ekonomskih, kulturnih, pravnih i drugih struktura – koje se pojavljuju u vezi sa organizacijom i kontrolom poslova i samog rada – uočeni su načini na koje se (re)produkuje i (p)održava nepovoljan položaj sezonskih radnica. Na taj način, otvoren je prostor za razmatranje pitanja strukturnog nasilja nad ovom kategorijom žena. Oslanjajući se na opšte zaključke istraživanja o položaju žena na tržištu rada u Srbiji, u prvom delu rada razmatram pitanje socioekonomskog položaja žena u poljoprivredi, a posebno sezonskih radnica, i ukazujem na elemente (re)produkovanja njihove sistemske nejednakosti i institucionalnog isključivanja. Na osnovu kvalitativne analize materijala sakupljenog putem polustrukturiranih intervjua i neformalnih razgovora sprovedenih sa sezonskim radnicama u poljoprivredi, u drugom delu teksta se bavim njihovim življenim iskustvima i ukazujem na koje načine društvene i ekonomske strukture i njihovi akteri, kao i kulturni obrasci, oblikuju prakse i (rodne) odnose unutar sezonskih poslova.This paper was originally published in Serbian as: „O položaju i iskustvima sezonskih
radnica u poljoprivredi u savremenoj Srbiji. Može li se govoriti o elementima strukturnog
nasilja“, in Antropologija, y. 2020, no. 20 (3): 47–78.
For the text, Lara Končar won the “Zagorka Golubović” Award for 2021.
The Institute of Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade has established
the “Zagorka Golubović” Award in her honor in 2021 which is intended for younger researchers
for engaged research work. The award is given for the best text published in
a scientific journal or a collection of scientific papers that approaches regional (Southeast
Europe) or wider social issues in an engaged way
Prošlost nas ne može izlečiti: Propisano sećanje – opasnosti standardizacije u ime ljudskih prava, Stefan Stojanović (prev.), Rekom mreža pomirenja, Beograd, 2021.
No full textResearching Contemporary Environmental Progressive Social Movements
No full textIn this paper, I examine the main characteristics of contemporary environmental movements, but also the way they operate and form coalitions with other progressive movements, combining various theoretical perspectives such as resource mobilization, political process, intersectional, social contruction theory and post-structuralism. I will investigate what are the characteristics of the progressive-left ideology that provide the basis for building coalitions, as well as how much influence complementary ideologies actually have on achieving cooperation. For this purpose, I will discuss the expansion and redefinition of the term social movement, in order to be able to capture all forms of coalitional interaction, then I will examine the factors that lead to movements deciding to cooperate using the example of the Italian Water Movement
Porodica kao kategorija kolektivnih i političkih prava
No full textPitanja o ljudskim pravima se danas diskutuju pre svega u kontekstu individualnih prava, kao suprotstavljenih kolektivnim interesima. U skladu sa dugom liberalnom političkom tradicijom, ljudska prava se uglavnom sagledavaju kao suštinski protivna kolektivnim pravima, koja mogu ograničiti slobodu pojedinca da pravi izbore koji bi mogli ugroziti relevantne kolektivne interese. U ovom tekstu se ljudska prava sagledavaju kao izvedena socijalna prava. Kao što priroda i identitet zajednice kojoj pojedican pripada bitno određuju identitet tog pojedinca (Agambenov pojam „Socialitas“, ili „društvenosti“), individualna prava nemaju puno značenje van konteksta vrednosti, prava i interesa zajednice. Opisani kontekst tek omogućava postojanje autentičnog i čvrstog pojma nacionalnog interesa. Po definiciji, nacionalni interesi su povezani sa kolektivnim pravima i vizijama zajednice; oni nikad ne počivaju na pogledima i stavovima individualnog, izolovanog pojedinca. Jedno od ključnih kolektivnih prava, i u isto vreme kolektivnih interesa, koje konstituiše nacionalni interes je skup prava porodice. U ovom tekstu se argumentiše da odgovarajuća zaštita porodice i porodičnih prava baca senku na samu pretpostavku o moralnosti i političkoj legitimnosti različitih savremenih ideologija, uključujući i feminističku ideologiju, koje sugerišu da, umesto da se štite prava i interesi porodice kao primarni nacionalni interes, država treba da štiti pojedince od porodice. Ideologije koje porodicu predstavljaju kao toksičnu, kao izvor pretnje individualnoj dobrobiti, u stvari su antisocijalne, totalitarne ideologije. Najveći broj argumenata koje takve ideologije iznose protiv porodice u stvari se sa jednakom snagom mogu primeniti protiv socijalnosti bilo kog tipa. Stoga u ovom tekstu argumentišemo da se Agambenov „moralni imperativ“ da svaki pojedinac doprinosi, na načine koji su mu na raspolaganju, soijalnosti njegovog društva, odnosi na odgovarajuće razumevanje porodice i treba da se shvati kao sama osnova anti-totalitarnog mišljenja.Issues of human rights are prevalently discussed as pertaining to individual rights as opposed to collective interests. Following the long liberal political tradition, human rights tend to be seen as potentially in opposition to collective rights, which may limit the liberty of the individual to make choices that would militate against the relevant collective interests. In this paper, we argue that individual rights ought to be seen as derivative, social rights. Just as an individual’s identity is markedly determined by the nature and identity of the community one belongs to (Agamben’s concept of ‘Socialitas’ or sociality), individual rights have little meaning outside the context of values, rights and entitlements of one’s community. This is a context that gives rise to the concept of national interest. By definition, national interests are associated with collective rights, entitlements and visions; they are never associated with the views and positions of a single, discrete individual. One of the key collective rights that constitutes national interest is the set of rights of the family. We argue that protecting the family and family rights casts a shadow on the very morality and political legitimacy of the various ideologies of today, including that of feminism, which suggest that, rather than protecting family rights and interests as a primary national policy the state should protect individuals from the family. The ideologies which portray the family as toxic, as a source of threat to individual well-being, are in fact antisocial, totalitarian ideologies, as most of the arguments levied by such ideologies against the family can bear with equal force against Socialitas of any type, against sociality. We argue that Agamben’s ‘moral imperative’ for any individual to contribute, by whatever means one has at one’s disposal, to one’s sociality, applies to our understanding of the family and ought to be taken as a foundation of anti-totalitarian thinking
Tri poimanja prirodnog prava
No full textThe concept of natural law is fundamental to political philosophy, ethics, and legal thought. The present article shows that as early as the ancient Greek philosophical tradition, three main ideas of natural law existed, which run in parallel through the philosophical works of many authors in the course of history. The first two approaches are based on the understanding that although equipped with reason, humans are nevertheless still essentially animals subject to biological instincts. The first approach defines natural law as the law of the strongest, which can be observed to hold among all members of the animal kingdom. The second conception presents natural law as the principle of self-preservation, inherent as an instinct in all living beings. The third approach, also developed in antiquity, shifts the focus to our rationality and develops the idea of natural law as the law of reason within us. Some Christian thinkers who consider the origin of reason in us to be divine, identify the law of reason inherent in us with God’s will. This paper gives a brief exposition of the development of these three concepts of natural law in philosophy, with emphasis on the intertwining of these three concepts, which we, however, understand as primarily and essentially independent. The paper concludes with an overview of twentieth-century authors who exclusively focus on only one of the three concepts. The aim of this article is to argue against these one-sided interpretations and to uphold the independence and distinctness of the three historical conceptions of natural law.Pojam prirodnog prava je od suštinskog značaja za političku filozofiju, etiku i pravnu misao. Ovaj rad protivi se redukcijskom pogledu na prirodno pravo i pokazuje da postoje tri glavne ideje prirodnog prava koje se mogu pronaći već u antičkoj grčkoj filozofskoj tradiciji i koje su se paralelno koristile u filozofskim delima mnogih autora u toku istorije. Prva dva pristupa zasnovana su na razumevanju da iako su opremljena razumom, ljudi su ipak u suštini životinje koje podležu biološkim instinktima. Prvi pristup definiše prirodno pravo kao zakon najjačeg kao što se može primetiti da je slučaj među svim članovima životinjskog carstva. Druga koncepcija predstavlja prirodno pravo kao princip samoodržavanja koji je svojstven svim živim bićima kao instinkt. Treći pristup, koji se takođe razvio u antičko doba, usredsređuje se na našu racionalnost i razvija ideju o prirodnom pravu kao pravu razuma u nama. Neki hrišćanski mislioci koji smatraju da je razum dat od boga, identifikuju pravo razuma kao znak božje volje. Ovaj rad ukratko predstavlja razvoj ova tri poimanja prirodnog prava u filozofskoj tradiciji sa naglaskom na njihovo isprepleteno shvatanje, a koja mi razumemo kao nezavisna. Rad zaključuje sa pregledom autora iz 20. veka koji se isključivo fokusiraju na samo jedno od tri moguća poimanja. Cilj ovog rada je da se usprotivi jednostranim interpretacijama, koje su uglavnom zasnovane na tomističkoj tradiciji, te da podrži nezavisnost i izrazitost tri istorijska poimanja prirodnog prava