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Revolucija koja je pojela svoju decu: Šarena revolucija od konsenzusa do razdora
No full textThe main goal of this essay is to provide an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of the Colourful Revolution (CR) in North Macedonia as a social movement. From a more general perspective, the paper engages with the growing interest in the literature that explores the correlation between social movements and democratisation processes, especially in societies that fall into the category of hybrid regimes. The Colourful Revolution is a good example of a protest movement that has created effective regime change. It presented a complex social movement encompassing many fragmented social and political groups gathered around the idea of a common adversary.
Additionally, the Colourful Revolution has one particularity: it is a social movement that has undergone a full developmental circle – formation through utilization of political opportunity frameworks, a period of activity and success and dissolution. Drawing on literature of the political process, opportunity frameworks and cycles of social movements, the paper argues that social movements such as the Colourful Revolution are not just temporary and unstable structures but are also highly dependent on the existence of a common target of the social activism in question. The removal from power of political actors that have been the reason for mobilisation of a complex and diverse network of social and political activism resulted in an absence of an adhesive factor holding together all the parts of this complex system. The absence initiated gradual discord and dissolution of different factions within the social movement (CR in this case) and reveals its true nature – temporary, ideologically diverse, conflictual, and even undemocratic in some respects.Glavni cilj ovog rada jeste da pruži detaljnu analizu putanje Šarene revolucije (ŠR) u Severnoj Makedoniji kao društvenog pokreta. Iz opštije perspektive, rad se bavi rastućim interesovanjem za literaturu koja istražuje korelaciju između društvenih pokreta i procesa demokratizacije, pogotovo u društvima koja spadaju u kategoriju hibridnih režima. Šarena revolucija predstavlja dobar primer protestnog pokreta koji je stvorio efektivnu promenu režima. Predstavljala je, tačnije, složen društveni pokret koji je obuhvatio mnoge fragmentirane društvene i političke grupe koje su se okupile oko ideje postojanja zajedničkog protivnika.
Povrh ovoga, Šarena revolucija ima jednu posebnost. To je, naime, društveni pokret koji je prošao pun razvojni krug: formiranje kroz korišćenje političkih prilika, period aktivnosti i uspeha, te period raspada. Oslanjajući se na literaturu o političkom procesu, okvirima mogućnosti i ciklusima društvenih pokreta, u ovom radu se tvrdi da društveni pokreti poput Šarene revolucije nisu samo privremene i nestabilne strukture, već da oni u značajnoj meri zavise od postojanja zajedničke mete društvenog aktivizma. Uklanjanje sa vlasti političkih aktera koji su bili razlog za mobilizaciju složene i raznolike mreže društvenog i političkog aktivizma rezultiralo je odsustvom spajajućeg faktora koji drži na okupu sve delove ovog složenog sistema. Ovo odsustvo pokrenulo je postepeni razdor i raspadanje različitih frakcija unutar društvenog pokreta (u ovom slučaju ŠR), te je otkrilo njegovu pravu prirodu – privremenu, ideološki raznoliku, konfliktnu, pa čak i nedemokratsku u nekim aspektima
Priroda i komodifikacija hrane. Prehrambeni suverenitet: promišljanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode
No full textThe article aims to explore the link between commodification of nature and commodification of food. The latter is in fact one of the most negative and controversial aspects of nature commodification. The examination of food commodification represents fertile ground for investigating the relationship between humans and nature. In this context, food sovereignty provides a useful paradigm that not only serves as an alternative to the current food regime, but also allows for the experiencing a different kind of relationship between humans and nature. Food sovereignty represents a unique social movement in which community, political, and cultural rights are intertwined with the issue of food. Through its multidisciplinary approach and its strongly ethical component, food sovereignty constitutes an opportunity in order to contrast the progressive commodification of nature and of the environment.Ovaj članak ima za cilj da istraži vezu između komodifikacije prirode i komodifikacije hrane. Komodifikacija hrane je u stvari jedan od najnegativnijih i najkontroverznijih aspekata komodifikacije prirode. Ispitivanje komodifikacije hrane predstavlja plodno tlo za istraživanje odnosa između čoveka i prirode. U ovom kontekstu, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja korisnu paradigmu koja ne samo da služi kao alternativa trenutnom režimu ishrane, već koja takođe omogućava da se iskusi drugačija vrsta odnosa između ljudi i prirode. Prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja jedinstven društveni pokret u kojem su prava zajednice, kao i politička i kulturna prava isprepletena sa pitanjem hrane. Svojim multidisciplinarnim pristupom i snažnom etičkom komponentom, prehrambeni suverenitet predstavlja priliku da se suprotstavi narastućoj komodifikaciji prirode i okruženja
Nove krize: nauka, moral i demokratija u 21. veku
No full textThis paper examines the restructuring of political conflict in Western societies in the 21st century, as well as its effects on morality, science, and democracy. I argue that the traditional socio-economic dimension of conflict has been intersected by a new dimension of cultural conflict between the cosmopolitan and the communitarian camps. In this paper, I identify three new crises which are responsible for this two-dimensional conflict structure: the refugee and migrant crisis, the climate debate, and the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that these crises are not based in “objective” facts alone, but that they are also shaped by their subjective perceptions or “crisis narratives”. The paper shows that these narratives are characterized by three distinct properties: scientification, moralization, and polarization. Scientification entails the simplified perception of both science and democratic decision-making. By reducing the role of science to a singular procedure which produces non-refutable “truths”, scientification has led to a change in the perception of democracy from a pluralistic and a posteriori decision-making to the means of implementing a priori scientific truth. The second characteristic of crisis narratives is moralization; that is, the stylization of one’s own moral position as superior in order to disparage another moral position which introduces binarism and friend-foe relations in the political discourse of democracy. Finally, I demonstrate how these properties undermine democratic pluralism by leading it into a two-dimensional (or, in the case of the United States, one-dimensional), non-negotiable and “all or nothing” polarization.Ovaj članak istražuje restrukturiranje političkog konflikta u zapadnim društvima u 21. veku, kao i efekte koje je ono imalo na moralnost, nauku i demokratiju. Pokazujem da je tradicionalno socio-ekonomska dimenzija konflikta postala ispresecana novom dimenzijom kulturnog konflikta između kosmopolitskog i komunitarnog kampa. U radu identifikujem tri nove krize koje su odgovorne za ovu dvodimenzionalnu strukturu konflikta: izbeglička i migrantska kriza, debata o klimatskim promenama i COVID-19 pandemija. U tekstu pokazujem da ove krize nisu zasnovane samo na „činjenicama“, već takođe i na subjektivnim percepcijama krize ili „naracijama krize“. Ove naracije poseduju tri različite osobine: scijentizacija, moralizacija i polarizacija. Scijentizacija podrazumeva simplifikovanu percepciju nauke i demokratskog procesa odlučivanja. Ona redukuje ulogu nauke na singularnu proceduru koja proizvodi neupitnu „istinu“ i time menja sliku demokratije od pluralističkog i a posteriori procesa donošenja odluka u sredstvo primenjivanja a priori naučne istine. Druga osobina naracija krize je moralizacija, odnosno stilizacija sopstvene moralne pozicije kao superiorne u odnosu na drugu, čime se unosi binarizam i prijatelj-neprijatelj odnos u politički diskurs demokratije. Najzad, demonstriram kako ove osobine podrivaju demokratski pluralizam time što ga vode u dvodimenzionalnu (ili u slučaju Sredinjenih Država, jednodimenzionalnu), bezkompromisnu i „sve ili ništa“ polarizaciju
Razvoj ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava: od prve skice do Ženevskih smernica (1946–1978)
No full textKoncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava kakav danas poznajemo nastao je pod okriljem Ujedinjenih nacija. Iako su nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava u savremenom kontekstu predmet rastućeg broja istraživanja, evolutivni put same ideje o njihovom stvaranju ostao je umnogome neosvetljen. Ovim radom se želi doprineti popunjavanju te praznine u literaturi, tako što se kroz analizu ključnih dokumenata nastalih u radu Ujedinjenih nacija prati istorijat ideje o nacionalnim institucijama za ljudska prava od kraja Drugog svetskog rata do usvajanja Ženevskih smernica 1978. godine. Rad otkiva kako se sam koncept nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava razvijao kroz vreme, kako je razumevan, koje funkcije su vezivane za ove institucije, a koje organizacione forme uzimane kao modeli. U radu se sagledavaju kretanja stavova država članica u odnosu na dato pitanje i omogućava bolje razumevanje konteksta u kojem se ova ideja razvijala. S tim u vezi, rad nudi nova saznanja o tome kako je proces pregovaranja osnovnih konvencija UN o ljudskim pravima uticao na razvoj ideje o stvaranju nacionalnih institucija za ljudska prava, što je faktor koji dosad nije razmatran
Demokratija na margini rata
No full textCilj istraživanja bio je utvrđivanje stavova građana i građanki Srbije u vezi sa stanjem demokratije u zemlji, posebno o kvalitetu izbora održanih 3. aprila 2022. godine, kao i o spoljnopolitičkim stavovima. Konkretno, ispitani su načini informisanja o društveno-političkim temama, stavovi o stanju u zemlji i demokratiji, o nepravilnostima u izbornom procesu i biračkom spisku, stavovi prema EU integracijama, odnosima Srbije sa EU i Rusijom, kao i o ratu u Ukrajini i poziciji koju bi Srbija trebalo da zauzme
Thomas Hobbes on Betrayal of the Fatherland (In War)
No full textMy intention is to demonstrate how Hobbes’ attempts to adapt two ancient institutions from Roman
Law to his own time and knowledge of theology and philosophy. Treason (and the figure of the traitor)
could be quite significant within the context of Hobbes’ (but not only his) understanding of the figure
of the sovereign and sovereignty. The central part of the text is an endeavor to ascertain the source and
unconditional condition for treason as such, within the framework of Hobbes’ theory of representation
(representatio) which he writes about in Chapter 16 of the Leviathan. The act or performance in which we
could perhaps recognize a traitorous gesture (or the dynamic of treason) could be found in the so-called
paradox of representation. The “traitor” breaks the chain of the transfer of power and empowerment,
thus stops representation, and puts an end to speaking in the name of the other. If it is possible to discover
whether this is possible and whether speaking and acting in one’s own name always carries elements of
treason, then we can conclude that differing forms of “direct” speech and action (“in one’s own name”)
are “acts of treason.” In that case, what interests me is whether “treason” is found within the heart of representative
democracy, and thus if it is de facto an integral part of a democratic order and society
Deliberation as a Collective Decision-Making Mechanism in Multicultural Communities
No full textIn this policy brief, the potential that deliberative democracy as a decision-making process has for enhancing the inter-cultural dialogue and dealing with the issues present in multicultural communities is examined. Besides analyzing the advantages of deliberation and its operationalization in reality, in the final part of the policy brief, I offer some possible paths for improving the deliberative process in fostering intercultural communication and problem-solving
Does Knowledge Emancipate?
No full textРад проблематизује саморазумљивост позитивно окарактерисаног односа еманципације са једне стране и (са)знања са друге. Аутори указују на макар једнако убедљиву противтрадицију оспоравања еманципаторског потенцијала знања – коју излажу у два засебна дела чланка. Први део посвећен је историјским представама знања као опасног, деструктивног, унесрећујућег. Уколико је циљ срећа, благостање или спокојство, управо би од знања ваљало одустати. Други део рада у питање доводи претпоставку еманципације као последице сазнања нужности. Ослобођење је ту поистовећено са прихватањем закона и својевољним подређивањем њима. Потом се елаборира и фронтални напад на саму идеју еманципације постмодернистичких филозофа који су, рефлектујући наводну тоталитарну „фаталност” пројеката еманципације, осудили сваку колективну „вољу за еманципацијом”, склону да елиминише неслагања или редукује разноликост. Аутори у закључку указују на савременост самог питања о статусу традиционално схваћеног знања и сигнализирају могућности његовог лика који би био ослобођен и „ослободилачке” функције.The paper analyzes and problematizes the self-understanding of the relationship between emancipation or liberation on one hand and knowledge or truth on the other. The authors point to at least an equally convincing counter-tradition of challenging the emancipatory potential of knowledge – which they present in two separate parts of the article. The first part is dedicated to historical notions of knowledge as dangerous, destructive or aggravating. If the goal is happiness, well-being or serenity, knowledge should be given up. The second part of the paper questions the assumption of emancipation as a consequence of knowledge. The basis of this connection lies in the idea of freedom, understood not as the absence of obstacles, but as a field of self-control and direction – for which only knowledge (of necessity) qualifies. This way, knowledge does not liberate by offering different choices, but spares the individuals the frustration of striving for the impossible. Eventually, postmodernist philosophers suggest abandoning the very idea of emancipation, condemning every collective “will to emancipate” as fatal totalitarian project. For their part, they detect, knowledge has always been inextricably linked to and imbued with power relations. Now it has only finally separated itself from the illusions of personal emancipation and social transformation and openly put into service not longer this or that truth, but its own usability, usefulness, profitability and effectiveness. In the conclusion, the authors point out the contemporaneity of the status question of the traditionally understood knowledge and signal the possibilities of its character liberated from the “liberating” function
Narcissism as a moral evil
No full textNarcissism is one of the most widely debated toxic and destructive personality structures today, however key aspects of narcissism remain blurred both to practitioners, to health policy decision makers, and to victims and survivors of narcissistic abuse. To address a part of this blurred phenomenology of narcissism from a philosophical point of view, yet one that is relevant to psychotherapy, this paper focuses on the diagnostic issues between narcissism as a personality structure and Narcissistic Personality Disorder as a diagnosis. This distinction reflects a number of key controversies in the medicalization of personality failures which are traditionally subject to moral qualification. An understanding of narcissism in moral terms, and an association of the concepts of moral evil with mental disorder, allows for a re-conceptualization of narcissism as an ethical and cultural challenge with clinical ramifications and opens up a new vista on how narcissism can be philosophically viewed and institutionally treated in order to prevent it from generating the ultimate damage on the organic relationships in which hundreds of thousands of narcissists are engaged
Towards the New GUP Belgrade 2041: How to Achieve Fair Citizen Participation?
No full textKroz ovaj rad autorka će pokušati da kroz pregled dostupne literature
čitaoce podseti na neke prednosti i nedostatke građanske participa cije i principe urbanističkog planiranja Beograda u vreme izrade „zlat nog GUP-a“ u periodu 1968-1972. Podsetićemo se mesnih zajednica u
doba SFRJ i njihove uloge u građanskoj paricipaciji. Takođe, osvrnu ćemo se na „radionicu za popravku grada“ koja je postojala za vreme
mandata (1982.-1986.) tadašnjeg gradonačelnika Beograda, arhitekte
Bogdana Bogdanovića, i na njegove knjige Mali urbanizam (1958) i
Glib i krv (2001) koje bez obzira što su napisane pre više od 64 odno sno 20 godina, i dalje u velikoj meri svojim sadržajem odgovaraju ak tuelnim izazovima sa kojima se suočava urbanistička praksa.
Nakon kratkog osvrta u prošlost, vraćamo se u sadašnjost, gde
ćemo se pozabaviti postojećim stanjem, nedostacima i ograničenji ma sadašnjeg nivoa participacije, ali i izazovima koje je nametnula
pandemija virusa kovid-19. Takođe, predstavljeni su primeri (ne)mo gućnosti učešća građana u procesu izrade nekoliko planskih doku menata vezanih za teritoriju grada Beograda, a koji su izazvali poseb no interesovanje javnosti tokom poslednje dve godine. Na kraju dati
su neki od predloga na osnovu kojih bi se mogla unaprediti participa cija, sa ciljem aktivnijeg, ravnopravnijeg i transparentnijeg učešća
građana i građanki u budućem razvoju Beograda.Through this paper, the author will try to remind the readers of some advantages, but
also disadvantages of civic participation and the principles of urban planning in Bel grade during the preparation of the “golden GUP” in the period 1968-1972. We will
recall the local communities in the SFRY era and their role in civic participation. We
will look back on the “workshop for city repair” that existed during the mandate
(1982-1986) of the then Belgrade’s Mayor, architect Bogdan Bogdanović, but also to
his books Mali urbanizam 1958 (engl. Small urbanism) and Glib i krv 2001 (engl. Mud
and blood), which, regardless of the fact that they were written more than 20 and 64
years ago, still correspond to a large extent in their content to the current challenges
faced by the urban planning profession.
After a brief look into the past, we return to the present, where we will address the
current state, shortcomings, and limitations of the current level of civic participation,
as well as the challenges imposed by the Covid 19 virus pandemic. Also, examples of
the (im)possibility of citizens’ participation in the process of drafting several planning
documents related to the territory of the city of Belgrade, which have aroused special
public interest during the last two years, were presented. At the end, some proposals
were given on the basis of which civic participation could be improved, with the aim
of more active, equal and transparent participation in the future development of
Belgrade