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Reaching Peace by Teaching the War: How History Teachers in Kosovo Teach About the Kosovo War?
No full textIn the last couple of decades, peacebuilding literature shifted the focus
to reconciliation. Going beyond conflict resolution, which can lead to cold
peace, reconciliation is understood as involving sociopsychological processes.
Many authors consider reconciling different versions of the past, often
existing in past opponent groups, as one of the keys to successfully reaching
peace. Because of this, history education, as a place where young generations
are presented with the official version of the past, is deemed invaluable
for peacebuilding processes in societies with a recent history of violence.
However, this does not come without certain challenges. Research on history
education in post-conflict societies most often deals with educational media
such as textbooks, while exploring how teachers approach these topics is
rare. This chapter focuses on the experiences of history teachers working
within education in Albanian language in Kosovo in relation to teaching about
Kosovo War. Findings show that throughout initial teacher training (ITT) and
state organized in-service trainings, history teachers working within education
in Albanian language in Kosovo do not get many opportunities to obtain
specific skills needed for dealing with difficult topics such as the Kosovo
War. Trainings that do provide these skills are organized by non-state actors,
sporadic, and include a small number of teachers. In addition, the concepts
and teaching methods provided within these seems sometimes to be misinterpreted
and erroneously applied in the classroom. More often than not
teachers use their personal experiences to complement the lessons about
Kosovo War and this practice seems to be leading to a great variety in the type
of story students will be presented depending on teachers’ age and personal
beliefs. Taken together, the findings show that history education, in its current
form, can hardly fulfill the goals set in various educational documents
Obećanja i izazovi deliberativnih i participativnih inovacija u hibridnim režimima: slučaj dve Građanske skupštine u Srbiji
No full textA worrying trend of autocratization that has been spreading globally in recent years, has thrust forward a new wave of appeals for deliberative and participatory democracy as a remedy for the crisis. With a few exceptions, the majority of participatory and deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies. The efforts to institutionalize participatory and deliberative models are almost completely absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. Yet, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and quite openly authoritarian institutions, as well as a potential pathway to democratization. The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a better understanding of their internal dynamics, and their social and political impact. Responding to this need, the articles in the special issue focus on social movement mobilizations and deliberative experimentation.
To begin with, our introductory article focuses particularly on understanding the possible role deliberative institutions could have in hybrid regimes. It looks at the first two cases of deliberative mini publics (DMPs) ever organized in Serbia, analyzing their rationale, specific design, implementation, as well as considering the possible role deliberative institutions could play in the hybrid regime of Serbia.Zabrinjavajući trend autokratizacije koja se širi svetom poslednjih godina je pokrenuo novi talas poziva na deliberativnu i participativnu demokratiju kao lek za krizu. Uz nekoliko izuzetaka, većina participativnih i deliberativnih institucija je uspostavljana i sprovođena u stabilnim demokratijama. Napori da se participativni i deliberativni modeli institucionalizuju skoro u potpunosti izostaju u Srbiji i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Ipak, ono što je prisutno je mobilizacija građana u okviru društvenih pokreta i lokalnih građanskih inicijativa, koja je istovremeno simptom neodgovornih i sve očiglednije autoritarnih institucija, kao i potencijalni put ka demokratizaciji. Tempo i obim ovakvog razvoja demokratskih eksperimenata, kako onih odozdo nagore tako i onih odozgo nadole, u nedemokratskim društvima regiona Zapadnog Balkana, zahtevaju bolje razumevanje njihove unutrašnje dinamike i njihovog društvenog i političkog uticaja. Kao odgovor na ovu potrebu, članci u ovom tematu stavljaju naglasak na mobilizaciju društvenih pokreta i deliberativno eksperimentisanje.
Na samom početku, naš uvodni članak se posebno fokusira na razumevanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnim režimima. Razmatraju se prva dva slučaja deliberativnih mini javnosti (DMJ) ikada organizovanih u Srbiji, uz analizu obrazloženja, specifičnog dizajna, sprovođenja DMJ, kao i sagledavanje moguće uloge koju bi deliberativne institucije mogle da imaju u hibridnom režimu Srbije
Od deliberacije do participacije: demokratske uloge i paradoks glas
No full textIn this paper, I examine the view that, surprisingly, the more citizens deliberate about politics, the less likely they are to participate in the realm of the political, and vice versa. In the first part of the paper, I approach the problem from the perspective of the paradox of voting, the claim that voting itself is instrumentally irrational because of the very low probability that a single vote will make any difference at the elections. In the second part of the paper, I argue that rather than analyzing voting instrumentally, it is better to view it as part of the civic commitments that constitute what it means to be a citizen in a democratic society. The act of voting is not primarily an individual’s attempt to decisively influence any particular outcome, but an affirmation of the key practice that upholds the democratic society in which citizens play a part. This reveals a meta-paradox of voting. Namely, to not vote is to exhibit a type of behavior that implies acceptance of democracy simultaneously with rejecting its defining component. Because of that, I will claim, not voting is itself irrational. In light of that conclusion, in the third part of the paper, I explore the extant divide between deliberation and participation by referring back to the analysis of civic commitments. Whereas participation without deliberating reveals ideological bias, deliberation without participation expresses a lack of understanding of what it means to be a citizen. The way to connect them is to engage in a process of attaining reflective equilibrium between the two, starting from the practice of deliberation that would be fully informed by the awareness of our democratic commitments and disconnected from ideologically motivated participation.U ovom gradu, ispitujem gledište prema kom, iznenađujuće, što se češće građani upuštaju u političku deliberaciju, to su manje skloni političkoj participaciji, i obrnuto. U prvom delu rada, razmatram ovaj problem iz ugla paradoksa glasanja, teze da je sam akt glasanja instrumentalno iracionalan pošto postoji jako mala verovatnoća da jedan glas napravi bilo kakvu razliku na izborima. U drugom delu rada, tvrdiću da, umesto da glasanje analiziramo instrumentalno, bolje je da ga posmatramo kao deo građanskih obaveza koje konstituišu građansku ulogu u demokratskom društvu. Akt glasanja ne treba primarno shvatiti kao pokušaj jedne osobe da izvrši odlučujući uticaj na bilo koji konkretan ishod, već afirmacija ključne prakse koja čini jedno društvo demokratskim. Ovo otkriva svojevrsni meta-paradoks glasanja. Naime, ne glasati znači istovremeno implicirati prihvatanje demokratije i neprihvatanje njene suštinske komponente. S obzirom na to, kako ću pokušati da pokažem, samo neglasanje je iracionalno. U svetlu ovog zaključka, u trećem delu rada istražujem jaz između deliberacije i participacije u svetlu analize građanskih uloga. Dok participacija bez deliberacije otkriva ideološku ostrašćenost, deliberacija bez participacije implicira nerazumevanje toga šta znači biti građanin. Deliberacija i participacija se mogu efektno povezati ako se uspostavi refleksivni ekvilibrijum između njih. To se, kako ću tvrditi, može ostvariti putem procesa čiji je prvi korak uspostavljanje deliberativne prakse koja je u potpunosti utemeljena na svesti građana o njihovim demokratskim ulogama, a izolovana od ideološki motivisane participacije
„Samo napred, Za naš Kej!“ Pasivna podrška građana lokalnoj aktivističkoj grupi
No full textDeep-rooted political turbulence, along with the present hybrid regime, have resulted in an undesirable social, economic and political milieu in Serbia. Such an atmosphere is a fertile ground for a grey economy, corruption, nepotism and restrictions to media freedoms. These ‘unconventional’ means of social functioning, have caused a decline in trust towards state institutions and proportionally, increase of citizen participation in non-institutional models of engagement.
The aim of this paper is to analyse one such model of non-institutional engagement: the local activist group Za naš Kej, operating in the area Savski blokovi (Sava apartment blocks) in New Belgrade. The authors analysed local residents’ perception of the activist group Za naš Kej in comparison to the group’s narratives and actions. By using a grounded theory approach authors explained the role of groups such as Za Naš Kej in the development of participatory and deliberative democracy within the local community.
Our data indicates that Za naš kej, despite its local character, does not have a strong foothold in the community, and thus receives only passive support. Citizens perceive Za naš kej as mediator between local institutions and residents of the Sava apartment blocks. Despite the failure to mobilise a wider group of citizens for their cause, this activist group continues to be a relevant (political) actor within the local community.Duboko ukorenjene političke turbulencije, zajedno sa sadašnjim hibridnim režimom, dovele su do nepoželjnog društvenog, ekonomskog i političkog miljea u Srbiji. Takva atmosfera je plodno tlo za sivu ekonomiju, korupciju, nepotizam i ograničavanje medijskih sloboda. Ovi „nekonvencionalni“ načini društvenog funkcionisanja, izazvali su smanjivanje poverenja u državne institucije i srazmerno tome, porast učešć a građana u vaninstitucionalnim modelima angažovanja.
Cilj ovog rada je da se analizira jedan takav model vaninstitucionalnog angažovanja: lokalna aktivistička grupa Za naš kej, koja deluje u Savskim blokovima na Novom Beogradu. Autorke su analizirale percepciju lokalnog stanovništva o aktivističkoj grupi Za naš Kej u poređenju sa narativima i akcijama grupe. Korišć enjem utemeljenog teorijskog pristupa autorke su objasnile ulogu grupa kao što je Za Naš Kej u razvoju participativne i deliberativne demokratije u lokalnoj zajednici.
Naši podaci govore da Za naš kej, i pored svog lokalnog karaktera, nema čvrsto uporište u zajednici, pa stoga dobija samo pasivnu podršku. Građani vide Za naš kej kao posrednika između lokalnih institucija i stanovnika stambenih blokova pored Save. Uprkos neuspehu da mobiliše širu grupu građana, ova aktivistička grupa nastavlja da bude relevantan (politički) akter u lokalnoj zajednici
Društveni pokret za istinu i pravdu – Pragmatično stvaranje saveza sa političkim strankama u Bosni i Hercegovini
No full textProtests among citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are becoming more frequent. Most often, their aim is to decry the dysfunctionality and opacity of the government, which are the result of the ethno-political structure created by the Dayton Agreement, but also a trend towards democratic regression and autocracy. A number of authors have tackled the “JMBG” protests of 2013 and the Plenums that emerged from the February 2014 protests, from their particular disciplines. The focus of this paper is the social movement “Justice for Dženan,” organized by the Memić family upon the tragic death of Dženan Memić in Sarajevo in February 2016. An in-depth study was conducted with key actors of the movement, as well as those who follow or in some way support the protests. Particular emphasis in the research was paid to the pragmatic symbiosis of the social movement and one political party. We argue that it is possible to identify a pragmatic symbiosis as a novel form (democratic innovation) of socio-political cooperation that can impede rising autocratization. Through the quest for accountability, social movements are introducing new strategic practices of mobilization and a novel type of alliance-building with external factors (new political parties as well as other social movements). The goal of the paper is to explore how the social movement “Justice for Dženan” interacts with political parties and approach the political sphere in BiH. Also, the idea is to examine the possibilities and functionality of this kind of cooperation with the framework of contentious politics.Protesti građana Bosne i Hercegovine su sve prisutniji. Najčešće im je cilj osuditi nefunkcionalnost i netransparentnost vlasti, koji su rezultat etnopolitičke strukture stvorene Dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, ali i trenda demokratskog nazadovanja i autokratije. Određeni broj autora bavio se protestima “JMBG” 2013. i plenumima koji su proizašli iz protesta u februaru 2014. godine, iz ugla svojih disciplina. U fokusu ovog rada je društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” koji je organizovala porodica Memić nakon tragične smrti Dženana Memića u Sarajevu u februaru 2016. godine. Provedeno je dubinsko istraživanje s ključnim akterima pokreta, kao i onima koji prate ili na neki način podržavaju proteste. Poseban naglasak istraživanja stavljen je na pragmatičnu simbiozu društvenog pokreta i jedne političke stranke. Tvrdimo da je pragmatičnu simbiozu moguće identifikovati kao novi oblik (demokratske inovacije) društveno-političke saradnje koji može sprečiti rastuću autokratizaciju. Kroz potragu za odgovornošću, društveni pokreti uvode nove strateške prakse mobilizacije i novu vrstu izgradnje saveza s vanjskim faktorima (nove političke stranke kao i drugi društveni pokreti). Cilj rada je istražiti kako društveni pokret “Pravda za Dženana” stupa u interakciju s političkom strankom i pristupa političkoj sferi u BiH. Takođe, ideja je ispitati mogućnosti i funkcionalnost ovakve saradnje u teorijskim okvirima politike osporavanja
Violence and Reflexivity The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination
No full textAddressing the relationship among social critique, violence, and domination, Violence and Reflexivity: The Place of Critique in the Reality of Domination examines a critique of violent and unjust social arrangements that transcends the Enlightenment/postmodern opposition. This critique surpasses the “reflexive violence” of classical enlightenment universalism without committing the “violence of reflexivity” by negating any possibility of collective radical social engagement. The unifying thread of the collection, edited by Marjan Ivković, Adriana Zaharijević, and Gazela Pudar-Draško, is a sensitivity to the field of tension created by these extremes, especially for the issue of how to articulate a non-violent critique that is nevertheless “militant,” in the sense that it creates a rupture in an institutionalized order of violence. In Part One, the contributors examine the theoretical resources that help us move beyond the reflexive violence of the classical Enlightenment social critique in our quest for justice and non-domination. Part Two brings together nuanced attempts to reconsider the dominant modern understandings of violence, subjectivity, and society without succumbing to the violence of reflexivity that characterizes radically anti-Enlightenment standpoints
Contested Meanings of Migration Facilitation: Emigration Agents, Coyotes, Rescuers, and Human Traffickers
No full text
Antisemitizam onlajn: najstarija mržnja u istoriji i novi medijski izazovi
No full textIn this text I examine the online presence of antisemitism and the ways it is spreading on a global level. I focus on different forms of antisemitism, distributed through numerous social network platforms. I also dwell on the possible causes of this phenomenon, with all its consequences. Antisemitism has always been present in public discourse, and thus its presence in online space is not new or unusual, but what surprises is certainly a significant failure of responsible institutions to prevent this phenomenon and punish perpetrators. In the last ten years, the level of online antisemitism has significantly risen. Covert and overt types of antisemitism on social networks represent a serious social problem, and a threat directed not only towards the Jewish community, but also towards every society that fosters the values of human rights, equality, peaceful communication and non-violence in all its forms.U ovom tekstu baviću se pojavom i širenjem antisemitizma u onlajn prostoru na globalnom nivou. Fokusiraću se na raličite oblike antisemitizma koji se plasiraju i šire putem mnogobrojnih platformi društvenih mreža kao i na moguće uzroke ove pojave, ali i na posledice koje ona može proizvesti. Antisemitizam je u javnom diskursu oduvek bio prisutan i zato ne čudi njegova pojava i u onlajn prostoru. Međutim, ono što iznenađuje je neuspeh nadležnih institucija da tu pojavu spreče i adekvatno sankcionišu uprkos tome što je usled naglog razvoja društvenih mreža u poslednjih deset godina došlo i do naglog porasta antisemitskih sadržaja na internetu. Prikriveni i otvoreni antisemitizam na društvenim mrežama predstavljaju ozbiljan društveni problem i pretnju koja nije usmerena samo ka jevrejskoj zajednici već i generalno ka svakom društvu koje neguje vrednosti poput poštovanja ljudskih prava, ravnopravnosti, nenasilne komunikacije i nenasilja u širem smislu