University of Arts in Belgrade
Digital Repository of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of BelgradeNot a member yet
4571 research outputs found
Sort by
Šta znači (ne) biti angažovan u doba ekonomije pažnje?
No full textУ овом раду испитаћемо однос између економије пажње, надзорног капитализма и ангажмана. У првим одељцима анализираћемо како се људска пажња монетизује кроз експлоатацију бихејвиоралног вишка који је описала Шошана Зубоф у својој анализи надзорног капитализма. Након тога, покушаћемо да развијемо аргумент у прилог тези да савремени облици ангажмана производа и потрошача врше функцију комплексне доминације чак и над оним актерима који кроз своје критичке ставове изнете на новим медијима теже да артикулишу жељу за (радикалном) друштвеном променом. У закључним деловима рада пружићемо анализу неких могућих стратегија отпора које би се могле спровести спрам поменутих облика комплексне доминације
Judeo-Spanish pasts and futures – the question of language in Sarajevo Sephardi political thought between 1900–1930
No full textUloga organizacija građanskog društva u konstituisanju antikorupcijske politike u Srbiji
No full textРад истражује како су организације грађанског друштва у Србији, након политичких промена започетих 5. октобра 2000. године, одиграле суштинску улогу у артикулисању корупције као виталног јавног питања, подизању свести јавности и вршењу притиска на тадашње власти да уврсти ово питање у политички дневни ред. Наша анализа се фокусира на два нивоа активности организација грађанског друштва: 1) истраживачке напоре у циљу правилног разумевања феноменологије корупције као првог корака ка доброј концептуализацији различитих антикорупцијских мера, и 2) образовне иницијативе које имају за циљ преношење знања и добре праксе у погледу методологије и политике борбе против корупције из постиндустријских друштава и других посткомунистичких земаља. Временски оквир наше анализе обухвата период од 5. октобра 2000. до децембра 2005. године, који видимо као почетну фазу ангажовања организација цивилног друштва у антикорупцијској политици у Србији, пре доношења прве националне антикорупцијске стратегије. Упркос широком спектру активности и скромним ресурсима, организације грађанског друштва су имале утицај на деловање власти, јавних институција и медија. Аутори закључују да су антикорупцијска достигнућа српских организација грађанског друштва у посматраном периоду била релативно ограничена хроничним дефицитом политичке, професионалне и моралне одговорности свих друштвених актера, а што је све посредно исход „системске грешке” у стратешком осмишљавању јавних политика у борби против корупције – непрепознавање одсуства партиципативне политичке културе.The paper illuminates how civil society organisations in Serbia, in the aftermath of the political changes initiated on 5 October 2000, played the essential role in articulating corruption as a vital public issue, raising awareness of the public, and putting pressure on the then governments to include this issue in the political agenda. Our analysis focuses on two planes of civil society organisations activities: 1) research efforts aimed at properly understanding the phenomenology of corruption as the first step towards sound conceptualisation of various anti-corruption measures, and 2) educational initiatives aimed at transferring knowledge and good practice in anti-corruption methodology and policies from post-industrial societies and other post-communist countries. The timeframe of our analysis embraces the period from 5 October 2000 to December 2005, which we see as the initial phase of engaging civil society organisations in anti-corruption policy in Serbia, before the National Anti-Corruption Strategy was adopted. After the changes in October 2000, civil society organizations in Serbia have acted as a significant factor in raising public awareness of corruption as well as in building anti-corruption institutional and normative infrastructure. From campaigns that targeted all stakeholders (citizens, media, business sector, decision makers) aiming at changing their priorities and interests, to participating in the set-up of public policies in the field of rule of law and monitoring the implementation of anti-corruption laws and strategic commitment, civil society organisations that operated within very wide range of activities, successfully influenced both the institutions and the general public. Despite wide range of activities and modest resources, civil society organisations had an impact on actions of the government, public institutions, and the media. The fight against corruption became one of the central issues in the then Serbia’s political debate. Yet the anti-corruption achievements of Serbian civil society organisations in the period 2000–2005, were limited due to a chronic deficit of political, professional, and moral responsibility of all social actors, resulting in “systemic error” of public policies strategic design aimed at combating corruption – the lack of a participatory political culture. The lack of a participatory political culture in citizen action has limited efficiency in achieving development policy goals, and in implementation and monitoring of public policies relevant to curbing corruption. Belief has been established, that citizens do not ask questions and therefore do not have the power to exercise policy influence nor to shape the environment in which they live. As the concept of political community is a special construct based on democracy and human rights, non-inclusiveness as previously outlined here destructively affected society by making deeper asymmetries of all kinds due to disintegrating influence that prevents the final community constitution through democratic institutions
Ethical Dilemmas and Attitudes Towards the Use of Artificial Intelligence
No full textPrvi deo rada sastoji se od teorijskog proučavanja etičkih izazova
koji nastaju usled razvoja i primene veštačke inteligencije. Drugi deo
rada čini empirijsko istraživanje stavova javnosti prema različitim
aspektima upotrebe veštačke inteligencije. Učesnici u istraživanju
bili su građani Republike Srbije (N=737) koji su dobrovoljno popunili
onlajn upitnik. Upitnik se sastojao od opštih sociodemografskih pitanja,
pitanja o upoznatosti sa veštačkom inteligencijom, kratkog uvoda
u pojam veštačke inteligencije, i pitanja o stavovima učesnika
prema primeni veštačke inteligencije. Rezultati su pokazali da na ove
stavove utiču faktori poput godine ispitanika. Takođe, rezultati govore
da javnost ispoljava zabrinutost u pogledu nestanka profesija usled
razvoja veštačke inteligencije, kao i diskriminacije od strane veštački
inteligentnih sistema. Kada je reč o poverenju građana da institucije
da koriste veštačku inteligenciju u najboljem interesu javnosti, pokazalo
se da javnost u Republici Srbiji najmanje poverenja ima u Vladu
RS, a potom u MUP RS i Ministarstvo pravde RS, dok najviše veruje
istraživačima sa Univerziteta i međunarodnim istraživačkim organizacijama.
Rezultati ukazuju da je potrebno fokusirati se na obrazovanje
javnosti o potencijalnim izazovima i načinima da se oni spreče.
Pored toga, ovi rezultati informišu kako akademsku i širu javnost, tako
i donosioce odluka, čime se može ostvariti dijalog između navedenih
strana. Tvrdim da razmatranje različitih aspekata stavova javnosti
prema veštačkoj inteligenciji unapređuje ovu debatu. Stavovi filozofa,
pravnika i naučnika koji se bave ovom temom prisutni su u debati
koja je u toku, ali ne i stav javnosti, u čemu se ogleda potreba za ovom
vrstom istraživanja.This paper was created within the project Ethics and AI: Ethics and Public Attitudes on the Use of Artificial Intelligence, within the program Serbia and Global Challenges: Towards Fairer and More Democratic Public Policies, organized by the Open Society Foundation Serbia in partnership with the Institute of Philosophy and Social theory. The first part of the paper consists of a theoretical study of ethical challenges arising from the development and application of artificial intelligence. The second part of the paper is an empirical study of public attitudes towards various aspects of the use of artificial intelligence.
The term artificial intelligence (AI) describes systems that mimic cognitive functions generally associated with human attributes such as learning, speech, and problem solving. A more detailed characterization describes artificial intelligence in the context of its ability to independently interpret and learn from external data in order to achieve specific outcomes through flexible adaptation. AI is designed to achieve specific goals, and refers to computer systems that execute tasks, make decisions or achieve goals in complex situations, without explicit instructions from people. Examples of the use of VI are: robots, industrial used in production, humanoid, interacting with humans, autonomous vehicles, virtual assistants and travel reservation agents, natural language processing tools, translation, image classification and face identification, drones that do not require a controller, military drones. In the medical sector, robots are used to assist the elderly and surgeons, as receptionists, to diagnose and map diseases.
AI technology is no longer a field of futurology, but an integral part of everyday life. AI permeates every aspect of society. It is used in various sectors - health, economics, education and learning, security, and other spheres of life. Progress in area AI affects all aspects of society, including the labor market, transport, health care, education and national security.
AI can greatly facilitate people’s daily and business lives, but it also brings with it certain challenges, such as privacy, transparency, discrimination, job loss, responsibility, knowledge, familiarity, perception and attitudes of people towards the use of AI. I have conducted an empirical study of public attitudes towards various aspects of the use of artificial intelligence. The participants in the research were the public in the Republic of Serbia (N = 737) who voluntarily filled out an online questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of general socio-demographic questions, questions about familiarity with artificial intelligence, a brief introduction to the concept of artificial intelligence, and questions about the attitudes of participants towards the application of artificial intelligence. The results showed that these attitudes are influenced by factors such as the age of the respondents. Also, the results showed that the public is concerned about the disappearance of professions due to the development of artificial intelligence, as well as discrimination by artificially intelligent systems. When it comes to citizens’ trust in institutions to use artificial intelligence in the best interest of the public, it has been shown that the public in the Republic of Serbia has the least trust in the RS Government, the RS Ministry of the Interior and the RS Ministry of Justice, while trusts the most researchers from universities and international research organizations. The results suggest a need to focus on educating the public about potential challenges and ways to prevent them. In addition, these results inform both the academic and general public, as well as decision-makers, which can lead to a dialogue between these parties. I argue that considering different aspects of public attitudes toward artificial intelligence enhances this debate. The views of philosophers, lawyers and scientists dealing with this topic are present in the ongoing debate, but not the attitude of the public, which reflects the need for this type of research
Metaverse Technologies in Education: A Systematic Literature Review Using PRISMA
No full textMetaverse technology is emerging as a global trend, offering virtual activities with real-world experiences. This paper presents a systematic review of research trends from 2012–2022 to determine the prevalence and current conditions of metaverse technology in education. The PRISMA framework (selected reporting items for systematic review and meta-analysis) guided this systematic review. 42 studies were selected from the Scopus database, with more than 70 studies or references from Google Scholar kept as supporting data after quality assessment. The results indicate that research interest in metaverse technology has significantly increased in the last ten years, peaking in 2022. Augmentation and simulation are the most prominent uses of metaverse technology in the learning process. C. Moro (2017) is the most cited author on this topic, with 313 citations, followed by P. Wang (2022) with 264 citations and P. Pelargos (2022) with 163 citations. AR and VR are the most widely used types of metaverse technology. Hopefully, this review will be useful for researchers, educators, and future research on the metaverse and education
Sistem poverenja? Beleška o čitanju Hegelove Fenomenologije duha Roberta B. Brendoma
No full textIn this paper, we discuss Robert B. Brandom’s reading of G. W. F. Hegel, especially his later work, A Spirit of Trust: A Reading of Hegel’s Phenomenology, in order to tackle the question of “trust” as the structure of recognition. First, we reconstruct Brandom’s reading of Hegel’s philosophy as a form of “social recognitive pragmatics” with a “historical recollective account of conceptual content”, by which he aims at a re-definition of practical normativity based upon trust. Then, we examine his notion of trust as the ground for a future, post-modern society. Finally, we point at some difficulties concerning Brandom’s notion of post-modern age and examine the concept of trust as key to the modern understanding of social bonds.U ovom tekstu diskutujemo Brendomovo čitanje Hegela, posebno njegovo novije delo, A Spirit of Trust: A Reading of Hegel’s Phenomenology, da bismo razmotrili pitanje „poverenja“ kao strukture priznanja. Na početku rekonstruišemo Brendomovo čitanje Hegelove filozofije kao oblika „pragmatike društvenog priznanja“ uz „objašnjenje pojmovnog sadržaja zasnovanog na istorijskom pamćenju“, kojim on nastoji da ponudi redefiniciju praktične normativnosti utemeljene na poverenju. Potom razmatramo njegovo shvatanje poverenja kao temelja budućeg, postmodernog društva. Na kraju skrećemo pažnju na izvesne poteškoće u vezi s Brendomovim pojmom postmodernog doba i razmatramo pojam poverenja kao ključa za moderno razumevanje društvenih veza
Da li dron postaje novi „aparat dominacije“?: nadzor bojišta u ratovanju dvadeset prvog veka
No full textThe paper looks at the military use of burgeoning technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in designing the visual regime of the drone as a tool for control of combat efficiency in twenty-first-century warfare. The author posits his analysis in critical theory and critical war/military studies with focus on the operationally relevant use of technical properties of the visual regime of drone observed through a wealth of video material uploaded to YouTube and related to the ongoing war in Ukraine. While many analyses delve into the combined practices of intelligence gathering, targeting, and killing aimed at the enemy, the author investigates how recent combat practices unveil the potential for an emerging role of drone surveillance: the scrutinization of combat performance of one’s own soldiers. In the age of a highly professionalized and industrialized warfare, inherent to the politics of military interventionism aimed at maintaining liberal peace across the globe, the shift towards a pervasive control over the combat “assembly line” reconstitutes technological character of the drone so that it becomes an apparatus of domination. The author concludes that the drone as mobile platform for surveillance displays hidden potentials to reinforce the existing relations of domination and cautions that the advent of nano-drones could socially constitute far more intrusive and intimate control of ground troops.Rad pruža uvid u upotrebu naprednih tehnologija Četvrte industrijske revolucije u vojne svrhe na planu osmišljavanja i konstruisanja vizuelnog režima drona kao oruđa za kontrolu efikasnosti borbenog dejstva. Autor smešta analizu u okvire kritičke teorije i kritičkih studija
rata, sa težištem na operativno relevantnim načinima upotrebe tehničkih karakteristika vizuelnog režima drona, a zasnovanu na obilju video materijala dostupnog na YouTube-u vezanog za tekući rat u Ukrajini. Za razliku od brojnih analiza posvećenih kombinovanim praksama prikupljanja obaveštajnih podataka, ciljanja i ubijanja usmerenih na neprijatelja, autor
istražuje kako nove borbene prakse otkrivaju potencijale za novu ulogu nadzora dronovima:
temeljna provera borbenog učinka sopstvenih vojnika. U doba visoko profesionalizovanog i
industrijalizovanog ratovanja, svojstvenog politici vojnog intervencionizma usmerenom na
održavanje liberalnog mira širom planete, preusmeravanje ka sveobuhvatnoj kontroli nad
borbenom „pokretnom trakom“ rekonstituiše tehnološki karakter drona tako da on postaje
aparat dominacije. Autor zaključuje da dron kao mobilna platforma za nadzor ima skrivene
potencijale da ojača postojeće odnose dominacije i upozorava da bi uvođenje nano dronova
u redovnu vojnu upotrebu moglo da predstavlja sveprožimajuću kontrolu kopnenih trupa na
daleko intimnijem nivou
How to Run a Deliberative Mini-Public in a Hybrid Regime
No full textEfforts to institutionalize deliberative institutions are almost absent in Serbia and other Western Balkan countries. On the other hand, the growing lack of interest of European societies’ citizens in participating in political life through traditional instruments of representative democracy has caused a renewed concern in the EU and its member states for the promotion and encouragement of deliberative institutions (Reuchamps, Suiter 2016). This has resulted in democratic engineering inspired by the principles of participatory and deliberative conceptions of democracy. Democratic experimentation along these lines, observed in many EU countries, gave rise to the promotion and institutionalization of deliberative institutions (town meetings, citizen assemblies, neighborhood councils, citizen juries, participatory budgets, etc.). However, democratizing effects of deliberation have been a matter of intense political and academic debate for over 20 years. Still, with a few exceptions,
most deliberative institutions were implemented in stable democracies.
While deliberative institutions and other participatory democratic innovations are generally less known in Serbia and the region, there has been a trend of citizen mobilization in the form of social movements and local civic initiatives, which are both a symptom of unresponsive and more openly authoritarian institutions and the potential pathway to democratization (Fiket, Pudar Draško 2021). The pace and scope of these developments in the undemocratic societies of the Western Balkan region, in terms of both bottom-up and top-down democratic experimentation, call for a deeper understanding of their internal dynamics and their social and political impact as both individual cases and parts of a greater cycle of social movement mobilizations and institutional experimentation.
Responding to this need, the research team gathered within the framework of the Jean Monnet network “Active citizenship: promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans,” led by the Institute for Philosophy and social theory, University of Belgrade, organized two deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) within an hybrid institutional setting, including in the design of DMPs perspective of social movements and civic initiatives. The aim was to strengthen dialogue between different perspectives, approaches, and fields around deliberative and participatory forms of democracy in an undemocratic environment. This project was carried out in cooperation with the European
Jean Monnet Network ACT WB - Active Citizenship in the Western Balkans, coordinated by the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of the University of Belgrade (IFDT), together with four more European universities and the Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence. The planning and implementation of DMPs took place through the cooperation of the Scientific Committee, comprising the following members: Irena Fiket (IFDT), Ana Đorđević (IFDT), Biljana
Đorđević (Faculty of Political Science), Ivana Janković (Faculty of Philosophy), Gazela Pudar Draško (IFDT), Jelena Vasiljević (IFDT), and the Executive Organization Committee (Belgrade Fund for Political Excellence and MASMI).
This handbook aims to present the findings of the research done within this JM network