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    Is Auto-chauvinism a measurable psychological construct?

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    The term “auto-chauvinism” gained much popularity in public and political discourse in Serbia in past years. It was mainly used to denote those individuals who express negative and sometimes extremely critical attitudes toward Serbian society. Until now, the phenomenon did not receive adequate psychologists’ attention. We aimed to understand the phenomenon better by constructing a scale to measure it, as the first step. The initial pool of over 200 items that could tap the auto-chauvinism comprised statements (e.g., “Others rightly see us as a wild people”) drawn from books, newspaper articles, and media appearances of those who labeled others as auto-chauvinists as well as those who were labeled this way. Eight researchers rated face validity, clarity, and formulation simplicity of all statements. After items with the lowest ratings were excluded, a set of 152 items was administered to the convenient sample (N = 890; 59.3% females; Mage = 38.8, SDage = 12.8) alongside right-wing (RWA) and left-wing authoritarianism (LWA) scales. Exploratory factor analysis with Promax rotation yielded four factors with high loadings (>.60) on a higher-order factor we labeled In-Group Criticism (IGC): Auto-chauvinism (e.g., “Crime is in our genes”), Perception of in-group as hostile and intolerant to differences (e.g., “There is no culture of dialogue here”), Perception of in-group as authoritarian and corrupt (e.g., “All our heroes are war criminals”), and Rejection of conspiratorial interpretation of IGC (e.g., “Our fighters for democracy and the rule of law are foreign mercenaries”). In the next step, we created a 40-item version of the scale (10 per component) by selecting the items with the highest loadings on the respective factors that simultaneously represent all levels of the assumed continuum of IGC according to the one parameter logistic Item response theory model. Cronbach alpha of the total score was .95, and the reliability of subscales was .90 - .91. Bi-factor exploratory structural equation model, assuming the existence of a strong general factor and four residual factors, was found to be the most adequate (CFI = .936, SRMR = .036, RMSEA = .043). The correlation of IGC with RWA was substantial (r = -.51, p < .001) but even higher with LWA (r = .64, p < .001). When it comes to sub-dimensions of RWA and LWA the correlation of IGC with LWA Anti-conventionalism was the largest (r =.74, p < .001). In sum, our results indicated that auto-chauvinism could be seen as a part of general IGC tendencies that are measurable by the proposed, psychometrically sound instrument

    Empirical Embodiment of Critical Rationalism: Deliberative Theory and Open Society

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    Znao ili morao znati: o odgovornosti za postupke drugih

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    Iako je u pravni saobraćaj uveden institut krivične odgovornosti pravnih lica, odgovornost i dalje ima individualni predznak, jer se, po pravilu, vezuje za pojedinca i njegovo (ne)postupanje. Dok je moralna i pravna odgovornost pojedinca za svoje postupke predmet brojnih razmatranja, postoji značajan prostor za dalja istraživanja o odgovornosti za postupke drugih, naročito u kontekstu razvoja veštačke inteligencije. Ovaj rad se bavi specifičnim oblikom odgovornosti za druge – odgovornošću za postupke ljudi i neljudi u kontekstu oružanog sukoba. Rad istražuje koncept individualne komandne odgovornosti kroz njegovu primenu na postupke potčinjenih, i to ljudi i autonomnih oružanih sistema. Kada postoji komandna odgovornost? Koji testovi se primenjuju da bi se ona utvrdila? Da li se i kako institut „znao ili morao znati“ iz međunarodnog humanitarnog prava može primeniti na postupanje autonomnih oružanih sistema? Dokle seže autonomnost ovakvih sistema i koje su njene posledice po utvrđivanje odgovornosti? To su centralna pitanja ovog istraživanja

    Bizonytalanság és diaszporizáció: a vajdasági magyarság mint virtuálisan elképzelt közösség

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    Előadásom célja, hogy számot adjon arról a társadalmi dinamikáról, amely a szerbiai magyar közösségben 2010 óta zajlik, és amely még nem volt tudományos viták része. A vajdasági magyarok számára ugyanis a legtöbb szerbiai állampolgár által érzett gazdasági nehézségeket és a kedvezőtlen politikai légkört enyhítette a magyar állampolgárság megszerzésének lehetősége. Ennek eredményeként a vajdasági magyarség tömeges kivándorlásának új hulláma indult el, ami a legutóbbi, 2021-es népszámlálás adataiban is megmutatkozott, de a „köztes” identitésok újszerű módjai is. Tudományos szempontból a vajdasági magyar közösséggel elsősorban a kisebbségkutatás területe foglalkozik, ami fontos eredményeket hozott, de nem magyarázza meg a közösség tagjainak identitásában bekövetkezett jelenlegi változásokat. Másrészt a diaszpórakutatás hagyományosan azokra a kivándorlókra összpontosít, akik „végleg” megváltoztatták lakhelyüket, és lassúnak bizonyul a vizsgálódásokba bevonni az olyan jelenségeket, mint az ingázás, az ideiglenes tartózkodás, a párhuzamos kulturális kapcsolatok két társadalommal, valamint a kisebbségi kérdések, identitás, nyelv és kultúra. Ezeket a témákat két, a vajdasági magyarok körében népszerű Facebook oldal, a Rokon Ilonka Copyright és a University of Bótelőtt esetében vizsgálom. Amellett érvelek, hogy ezeken az online platformokon a formák és tartalmak nemcsak leképezik, hanem konstruálják is a vajdasági magyar identitás új formáit, amelyek egyre kevésbe a „Vajdaságban élni”, és egyre inkább a „vajdaságinak lenni” tapasztalatán alapulnak. Ezek a tapasztalatok a közös, a közösség tagjai számára érthető és értelmezhető humoron, tudáson és nyelven keresztül mutatkoznak meg. Állításom szerint a transznacionális etnikai kisebbségi közösségek, mint amilyen a vajdasági magyarság, összetett dinamikájának megértéséhez olyan megközelítésre van szükség, amely ötvözi az etnikai kisebbségek és diaszpórák kutatását.Konferenciju organizovao Institut za manjinska istraživanja "Forum" i Centar za etnologiju, Komarno, Slovačk

    Age differences in conspiracy beliefs around Covid-19 pandemic and (dis)trust in the government

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    Objective: Times of societal crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, during which people need to make sense of a chaotic world and to protect their health and lives, according to psychological research, represent suitable ground for the development of conspiracy theories about origins, spread, and treatment of the threat (coronavirus). Although numerous studies have been conducted on this issue since the beginning of the pandemic until today, most of the studies were conducted on the adult population with limited insights into development of the conspiracy beliefs in adolescence or over the lifespan. Objective of this study is precisely to explore how conspiracy beliefs regarding COVID-19 pandemic differentiate between multiple age groups (cross-sectional design), what are their sources and contexts, and how do they relate with the tendency to trust the government. Methodology: Data were gathered through eight focus group discussions with four age groups (11-12, 14-15, 18-19, 30+) in Serbia. Results: Based on critical discourse analysis, this paper identifies the differences in content and the sources of conspiracy thinking and how it relates to trust in the government. Study shows that high distrust in Serbian government is associated with conspiracy beliefs both within youth and adults. However, while among adolescents this finding is exclusively related with their beliefs that ruling structures have financial gain from the pandemic, against the interests of citizens, among adults it is related to the belief that the government (un)intentionally submits to the new global order that is managed by one or more powerful actors who are coordinated in secret action to achieve an outcome that is of public interest, but not public knowledge. Conclusion: The results will be discussed within current socio-political climate in Serbia, as well as the basis for understanding psychological factors which may underlie these tendencies in conspiracy theorizing, such as social identification, collective narcissism, authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation

    AI (and) ART: Co-creating with the Machine

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    Snimak konferencije dostupan na: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nmT5v0tSbA0 i https://zkv.rs/blog/konferencija-laboratorija-kulture

    Aesthetic Reality

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    Citizens’ assemblies at supranational level: Addressing the EU and global democratic deficit

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    The problems related to the democratic deficit, lack of democratic legitimacy, and widening gap between citizens and decision-makers seem even more striking in the case of decision-making at supranational level. One response to this crisis of democracy at the supranational level has been the creation of citizens’ assemblies (CAs) promoted and implemented by the various actors: European Union, NGOs, international organizations, and social movements. Still, although all those actors advocated for the use of CAs at supranational level there are significant differences regarding the capacity of those actors as well as the CAs they promote to address the democratic deficit. Starting from this assumption, in the following pages I will analytically differentiate between CAs implemented by the European Union (EU), a system provided by the political authority and those CAs implemented by supranational actors that lack formally legitimate political authorit

    Doživotno učenje građana u Platonovim Zakonima

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    In the Laws, Plato presents an educational program for all members of the projected city of Magnesia, which concerns not only various kinds of specific knowledge, but also, and more importantly, the application of ethical and political virtues, in view of becoming excellent citizens and achieving a “good life” in the long run, at the private and public level. These objectives are realised in many ways, as for example, by the people’s participating in the legislation and the city’s administration, by receiving a common fundamental education, including lessons of reading, writing, mathematics and astronomy; practicing sports; playing music; singing; dancing and also by taking an active role in religious festivals. The population is then divided in three groups, according to age, and they form “choirs” dedicated to different divinities (the children to the Muses, the young people to Apollo, the elderly to Dionysus). Thus, we may deduce that Plato was one of the ancient Greek philosophers who supported the concept of “lifelong learning,” expanded through various kinds of knowledge, skills and qualities. In my paper I examine the objectives, different contents of Plato’s pedagogical project destined to all the Magnetes, the various methods he proposed to use in order to arrive at its attainment, as well as the eventual reasons for these choices, related to his philosophical theories. I conclude by making a comparison with the notion of “lifelong learning” as we understand it today.U Zakonima, Platon predstavlja obrazovni program za sve članove zamišljenog grada Magnezije koji se tiče ne samo različitih vrsta specifičnog znanja već i, još važnije, primene etičkih i političkih vrlina sa ciljem da se stvore odlični građani koji će moći da žive „dobar život“ na duge staze kako u privatnom tako i u javnom smislu. Ovi ciljevi mogu biti ostvareni na mnoštvo načina, kao, na primer, kroz učestvovanje pojedinaca i pojedinki u zakonodavstvu i upravljanju gradom, kroz zajedničko osnovno obrazovanje koje bi uključivalo čitanje, pisanje, matematiku i astronomiju, kroz vežbanje sporta, kroz pevanje i igranje, kao i kroz aktivno učestvovanje u religioznim festivalima. Stanovništvo se tada deli u tri grupe prema starosti, te se formiraju „horovi“ koji su posvećeni različitim božanstvima (deca su posvećena muzama, mladi ljudi su posvećeni Apolonu, a stari ljudi su posvećeni Dionisu). Dakle, možemo zaključiti da je Platon bio jedan od drevnih grčkih filozofa koji je podržavao koncept „doživotnog učenja“, proširen kroz različite vrste znanja, veština i kvaliteta. U svom radu, ispitujem ciljeve, različite sadržaje Platonovog pedagoškog projekta koji je namenjen svim stanovnicima Magnezije, različite metode koje je Platon predlagao kako bi se došlo do postizanja pedagoških ciljeva, kao i eventualne razloge za ove izbore u skladu sa njegovom filozofskom teorijom. Rad zaključujem tako što pravim poređenje sa pojmom „doživotnog učenja“ kako ga danas razumemo

    Gestures of Repetition: Commentary on Infrapolítica, instrucciones de uso

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    Commentary on Moreiras, Alberto (2020), Infrapolítica, instrucciones de uso. Madrid: La Oficina

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