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„Yes, It’s Worth Fighting For“: How ActivistsiIn Serbia Capture Public Attention in the Digital Environment
No full textCilj ovog rada je da istraži načine na koje aktivisti u Srbiji koriste digi- talne alate kako bi obezbedili pažnju publike i ostvarili ciljeve za koje se zalažu. Podaci su prikupljeni kvalitativnom analizom sadržaja digi- talnih objava deset udruženja građana i dubinskim intervjuima sa ak- tivistima. Procedurom tematskog kodiranja identifikovane su tri ključne strategije koje ilustruju povezanost digitalnog aktivizma, na- vika digitalnih publika i političke kulture. Prva strategija nazvana je ukrojavanje i predstavlja različite oblike prilagođavanja sadržaja ka- rakteristikama platforme i ciljnoj grupi. Strategija povezivanje odnosi se na upotrebu dijaloških i interaktivnih funkcija digitalnih platformi za definisanje granica zajednice i jačanje veza u njoj. Na kraju, osnaži- vanje i organizovanje je strategija kojom aktivisti pokušavaju da oja- čaju efikasnost pratilaca i edukuju ih o političkim procesima kako bi podstakli interesovanje građana za politiku i aktivnosti udruženja.The digital environment presents activists with new possibilities and challenges in
their advocacy efforts when performing the key communication functions—i.e., informing the public, community building, and mobilizing citizens for various activities.
Digital tools allow activists to circumvent mainstream media gatekeepers and speak
directly to their audiences. Activists can use digital platforms to build and maintain
relations with their public, forging a dialogue on important issues for the community.
Digital platforms can also be used to reinvigorate citizens’ interest in politics and facilitate various modes of political participation. However, in order to utilize the full potential of digital platforms, activists need to find ways to capture the attention of
digital audiences. This is becoming increasingly difficult as activists face stark competition from various actors—including politicians, celebrities, and popular brands—
who also depend on public attention to meet their goals. Against this background, this
study set out to identify and describe the main strategies that activists in Serbia use
to capture the attention of digital audiences to promote the social changes they
advocate.
Given the exploratory nature of the study, a qualitative research design was selected. Data were collected using qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews.
Purposive sampling was used to select ten diverse organizations that differ with
respect to the type of organization (formally registered NGOs and informal citizens’
associations), thematic focus (e.g., environment, housing, and labor rights), and
geographic scope (local, regional, and national). The entire content of each organization’s websites and social media posts (on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram)
published between 1 September and 31 December 2021 were analyzed. In addition,
in-depth interviews were conducted with ten activists from six organizations that
accepted the invitation to participate. The main research question was addressed
through an inductive thematic analysis of notes obtained through qualitative content
analysis and interview transcripts.
Three key strategies were identified based on the procedure outlined above. The
first strategy was tailoring, which refers to a set of tactics employed by activists to
adjust the content and presentation of digital communications to the target group and
platform characteristics. Activists drew most attention and engagement from digital
audiences through careful selection of information, emphasis on the relevance of information to audiences, and creative forms of presentation. However, it was also found
that activists often replicate the same content across digital platforms, failing to utilize the specificity of each platform, which appeared to negatively influence audience
engagement. The second strategy was labeled connecting and refers to the use of dialogic and interactive functions of digital platforms to strengthen the ties between
community members. Activists often successfully spurred audience engagement by
asking questions and starting debate on important issues, as well as by amplifying authentic voices that are often missing from mainstream discourse. However, though
activists frequently started discussions on digital platforms, they rarely participated
in these discussions, missing the opportunity to use the interactive features of digital
platforms to improve public perceptions of civil society and contribute to trust building. Finally, empowering and organizing was identified as a strategy activists use to increase the political efficacy of their followers, increase their interest in politics, and
motivate them to take various forms of political action. Celebrating small victories
and motivational framing were recognized as successful tactics for increasing audience engagement. Less successful were mobilization posts that did not explain how
citizens can participate and how their participation will contribute to desired changes.
The theoreticaland practical implications of these findings were discussed
Nadège Ragaru, And so the Bulgarian Jews were saved... Researching, Retelling, and Remembering the Holocaust in Bulgaria, Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2020.
No full textProtesti protiv nasilja: Istraživanje javnog mnjenja i stavova učesnika protesta
No full textCilj istraživanja bio je ispitivanje stavova građana i građanki Srbije o protestima „Srbija protiv nasilja” koji su se održavali tokom maja i juna 2023. kao i o drugim društvenim i političkim temama. Istraživanje se sastojalo iz dva anketna ispitivanja: učesnika protesta održanog 03. juna 2023. u Beogradu, i javnog mnjenja građana Srbije, sprovedenog od 10. do 15. juna 2023
Na šta mislimo kada kažemo... Energetska tranzicija. Mapiranje ekoloških diskursa i vizija energetske tranzicije u Srbiji
No full textOd demokratskog do realnog socijalizma: jugoslovensko-sovjetski ideološki spor i njegovi rezultati
No full textSukob Jugoslavije sa Sovjetskim Savezom 1948, kao i jugoslovenska unutrašnjatransformacija koja je sledila, otvorili su značajnu debatu unutar radničkog pokreta o osnovnim pravcima razvitka socijalističke teorije i prakse. Sa jedne strane, jugoslovenski komunisti su u ogledanju sa sovjetskim („staljinističkim”) iskustvom, gradili početne temelje „demokratskog samoupravnog socijalizma”, dok susovjetski teoretičari osporavali jugoslovenske ideološke novine, smatrajući ih „revizionističkim”. Polemika je doživela vrhunac tokom 1960-ih godina, kada je Jugoslavija otpočela svobuhvatniji proces društvene i privredne reforme, a u Moskvi bilo započeto preispitivanje Hruščovljeve partijske linije „destaljinizacije”. Imajućiu vidu istorijski značaj sukoba, rad se koncentriše na jedno od suštinskih problemskih pitanja jugoslovensko-sovjetske polemike – uloge komunističke partije udruštvu, te da ispita na koji način su se kroz polemiku manifestovale karakteristike jugoslovenske liberalizacije, naročito u komparaciji sa ideološkim postavkama „realnog socijalizma” u Sovjetskom Savezu.This research is aimed to critically analyse the Yugoslav-Soviet disputes, with a specific focus on the ideological question of Party reform as a central issue in their
differing interpretations. The methodology employed involves a comparative examination of the principles of Yugoslav “democratic socialism” and Soviet “real socialism” during the period of intense labour movement debates and the peak of Yugoslavia’s internal crisis, which led to the replacement of two reformist leaderships
in 1971/1972. The study highlights the importance of the clashes between the Yugoslav aspiration for autonomous development and the Soviet hegemonic model,
with the international context playing a crucial role in intensifying the debates. The
findings underscore the significance of ideology in shaping political events and the
trajectory of social development in both countries. Ultimately, this research provides a deeper understanding of the final outcomes of the Yugoslav-Soviet disputes
and sheds light on the evolution of the Yugoslav socialist system’s attempt to present itself as a distinct “progressive” (non-Soviet) development model. The analysis
demonstrates how the dynamics of ideological differences influenced the course of
socialist development, reflecting the complexities of post-Stalinist transitions and
the implications of these disputes for broader debates about socialist modernization on the left
Genealogy as a Way of Building a War Machine – Critique and Resistance in “Deleuze’s Foucault”
No full textThe question of resistance has been a long-debated topic in the study of
Foucault’s work. The interesting thing about this debate is that various authors
came do differing conclusions, some point out that Foucault’s understanding of
power leaves no space agency while others claim that his entire work can be
seen as a study of possibilities for resistance. Even though this debate started in
Foucault’s own lifetime it is still on going and contemporary scholarship has
started dealing with new problems concerning his notions of resistance. Some of
those problems are the relations between collective and individual acts of
resistance and the relation between critical scholarship and political resistance.
Our aim is to contribute to this debate by reinterpreting Foucault’s understanding of resistance through Deleuze’s reading of Foucault and through Deleuze’s
concepts like the “war machine”, “nomadism” and others. In the first part of our
presentation, we will use Deleuze’s reading of Foucault to reconstruct his notion
of resistance and how it relates to other important concepts in his work, like
power and the subject. In the second part we will move on to Foucault’s
understanding of critique and the problem of its relation to resistance. While
specifically relying on Daniele Lorenzini’s reading of this problem we will point
out that Foucault’s research into various institutions of modernity (like the
prison, the hospital, or the asylum) can be seen as a study of possible “lines of
flight” or possibilities for resistance to technologies of government that are
active within them. We will conclude by pointing out that Foucault’s
understanding of critical scholarship can best be understood as an attempt to
connect various subjects of resistance into a rhizomatic movement or a war
machine whose structure mirrors that of the governmental dispositive
Narcissism as a moral incompetence
No full textIn this paper I suggest that the moral incompetence in narcissism is associated with a particular type of emotional incompetence, namely the incompetence to experience the moral emotions, such as empathy, solidarity, loyalty or love. I then move on to discussing the ethical ramifications of this incompetence, primarily from the point of view of sentimentalist ethics, and conclude that emotional incompetence does not in fact reduce the moral responsibility of a narcissist person, whether diagnosed with Narcissistic Personality Disorder or not. My argument is based on the three criteria of moral responsibility proposed by Philip Pettit, namely those of value relevance, value judgement, and value sensitivity. I suggest that a sentimentalist ethical perspective entails that the satisfaction of two of the mentioned criteria (awareness of the social meaning of one’s choices and sufficient control of one’s actions) constitutes a moral obligation for the agent to satisfy the third criterion, namely to develop the appropriate moral sensibility and competence to actually choose morally correctly. This type of structure of obligation elucidates why narcissism is at the same time a moral failure and a psychopathology. At the same time, my argument portrays narcissism as a particular type of personality disturbance that almost uniquely reaffirms the role of moral re-education as the psychotherapeutic approach. This conclusion points to a potential revival of some of the precepts of Pinel’s affective psychopathology, dating back to the very beginnings of the psychotherapeutic clinic.Tekst je recenziran, revidiran i prihvaćen za objavljivanje. U pripremi je simpozijum o tekstu, zbog čega njegovo objavljivanje čeka 2023, da bi jedan filozof i jedan kliničar završili svoje osvrte na tekst, nakon koga autor piše sopstveni odgovor, i sva 4 teksta izlaze u istom broju časopisa
Autografija i infrapolitika
No full textThis article explores the relation between infrapolitics and autography in the work of Alberto Moreiras. This way, it offers a possible key to read Moreiras’ most recent publications Infrapolitics. A Handbook and Uncanny Rest in connection to his earlier production. The relation to autography emerges as inherent and necessary to infrapolitics, as well as key to understanding infrapolitics in terms of a turn of deconstruction toward existence. Autography reveals itself as the incision of singularity that enables the emergence of the reciprocal and imperative relationship of thought and existence that is constitutive of infrapolitics. The first part focuses on the inceptive role of autography with respect to a certain preliminary displacement of thought on which infrapolitics depends, and it traces the autography-infrapolitics connection back to the affective register of thought that Moreiras first enounced in his book Tercer espacio. The second part focuses on the essential role that such a connection plays, and it analyzes it with respect to three main aspects of infrapolitical thinking, namely, the idea of an an-archic non-passing passage, the relationship with death and the affinity with the work of mourning, and, finally, the connection with “expatriation”.Ovaj članak istražuje vezu između infrapolitike i autografije u radu Alberta Moreirasa. Na ovaj način, rad daje mogući ključ za čitanje novih Moreirasovih publikacija Infrapolitika. Priručnik i Nelagodni odmor u odnosu na njegova ranija dela. Odnos prema autografiji ispostavlja se kao inherentan i nužan za infrapolitiku, kao i ključ za razumevanje infrapolitike u pogledu zaokreta dekonstrukcije ka egzistenciji. Autografija se pokazuje kao rez singularnosti, koji omogućava nastajanje recipročne i imperativne veze između misli i egzistencije, koja je konstitutivna za infrapolitiku. Prvi deo rada usmerava se na početnu ulogu autografije i tiče se određenog preliminarnog izmeštanja misli od koje je infrapolitika zavisna, te prati vezu autografija-infrapolitika nazad u afektivni registar koji je Moreiras prvi put najavio u svojoj knjizi Tercer espacio. U drugom delu rada, fokus je na suštinskoj ulozi ove veze i, shodno tome, analizira se u odnosu na tri glavna aspekta infrapolitičkog mišljenja, naime, ideja an-arhičnog ne-prolaznog prolaza, veza između smrti i afiniteta prema radu žalosti i, konačno, veza sa „ekspatrijacijom“
Slavoj Žižek, Surplus-enjoyment: A Guide for the Non-perplexed, Bloomsbury Academic, London, 2022.
No full textReview of Slavoj Žižek, Surplus-enjoyment: A Guide for the Non-perplexed, Bloomsbury Academic, London, 2022