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What Is “Victory” in the Ethics of War of Orthodox Christianity?
No full textThis work studies the concept of “victory” in war and
reconstructs various aspects that determine the conditions of this victory. At the same time, the author
attempts to raise the question of victory in the context of Orthodox Christian ethics of war. The main
emphasis is on the fact that victory in Orthodox Christian ethics of war can be interpreted not only as mili tary advantage, but also as the end of war and the
advent of peace. It is not a moment to celebrate the
victor over the vanquished, but the coming of a new
peaceful order that replaces war. At the end of the
text, the author reveals the potential for rethinking
victory contained within Orthodox Christian ethics of
war. In analyzing theological literature and folklore,
the author detects in them an interpretation of victory
that is not connected with the glorification of the victor. Rather, what is discussed is regret about victoin connection with the necessity of using violence to
achieve it and the denial of one’s role in it, as it would
be impossible without divine intervention. Victory
thus becomes a spiritual manifestation of humility
and adherence to nonviolent commandments. Such
an approach is normatively remarkable, as it requires
mercy from the winner and helps mitigate the consequences of the conflictДанная работа исследует понятие «победа»
в войне и реконструирует различные аспекты,
которые определяют условия этой победы. При
этом автор пытается поставить вопрос о победе
в контекст православной этики войны. Основной акцент делается на том, что победа в православной этике войны может интерпретироваться не только как военное преимущество,
но и как прекращение насилия и наступление
мира. Это не момент торжества победителя над
побежденным, но наступление нового мирного
порядка, сменяющего войну. В завершение
текста автор раскрывает содержащийся в православной этике войны потенциал по переосмыслению победы. Анализируя богословскую литературу и фольклор, автор обнаруживает в них
интерпретацию победы, не связанную с прославлением победителя. Скорее речь идет о сожалении о победе в связи с необходимостью
применения насилия для ее достижения и отрицание своей роли в ней, коль скоро она невозможна без божественного участия. Победа,
таким образом, становится духовной манифестацией смирения и приверженности ненасильственным заповедям. Подобный подход примечателен в нормативном отношении, поскольку
требует от победителя милосердия и способствует смягчению последствий конфликта
Uloga digitalnog prostora i savremene tehnologije u promociji kulturnog identiteta grada u kriznim situacijama
No full textDigitalni prostori su sve značajniji u procesu promovisanja kulturnog identiteta
gradova. Ljudi, kako navodi Čejko (2019), koristeći digitalne tehnologije konstruišu i
okruženje koje predstavlja sociomentalni prostor, zbog uspostavljanja veza koje se održavaju
više mentalno nego fi zički. Tako se „danas krećemo u dva ravnopravna životna prostora koja
postoje paralelno, u svom ofl ajn i onlajn okruženju“ (Kacer, 2019). Pandemija kovid 19
(re)aktivirala je debate o utopijskoj i distopijskoj perspektivi korišćenja digitalnih prostora
kulturne potrošnje. Ova krizna situacija ukazala je na značaj savremene tehnologije u
promociji kulturnog identiteta grada. Cilj ovog rada je da prikaže na koji način su institucije
kulture iskoristile prednosti savremene tehnologije u promociji kulturnog identiteta grada,
ali i da ukaže na sva ograničenja digitalnog prostora u recepciji kulturnih sadržaja. U radu će
biti korišćeni podaci istraživanja Kraj sezone pre kraja sezone? Strategije u kulturi u kriznim
situacijama Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu.Digital spaces are becoming increasingly signifi cant in the process of promoting
the cultural identity of cities. According to Chayko, people, by using digital technologies,
construct an environment that represents a socio-mental space, as the connections
maintained within it are more mental than physical. Therefore, “today we are navigating
between two equal living spaces that exist in parallel, in our offl ine and online environments”
(Katzer, 2019). The COVID-19 pandemic has (re)activated debates on the utopian and
dystopian perspectives of using digital spaces for cultural consumption. This crisis has
highlighted the importance of modern technology in promoting the cultural identity of a city.
The aim of this paper is to illustrate how cultural institutions have utilized the advantages
of modern technology in promoting the cultural identity of a city, while also pointing out the limitations of the digital space in the reception of cultural content. The paper will rely on
data from the research The End of the Season Before the End of the Season? Strategies in
Culture in Crisis Situations conducted by the Institute of Sociological Research, Faculty of
Philosophy in Belgrade
Dobročinstvo: moralni status lečenja putem humanitarnih akcija
No full textU okvru ovog članka tematizovano je pitanje moralnog ponašanja u kontekstu grupnog finansiranja lečenja. Grupno finansiranje u medicinske svrhe, koje podrazumeva prikupljanje sredstava od većeg broja donatora putem javnog poziva, uglavnom putem platformi na internetu, rastući je fenomen širom sveta. Lečenje je daleko najvažnija svrha kojoj donatori u Srbiji posvećuju svoje resurse. U okviru članka analiziran je princip dobročinstva iz perspektive osnovnih etičkih teorija – utilitarizma, kantovske deontologije i etike vrline, a potom razmotreno da li je podrška lečenju pitanje dobročinstva ili pitanje pravde. Argumentuje se da su zdravstvene potrebe moralno važne i da društvo ima obavezu da pruži zdravstvenu zaštitu kako bi garantovalo jednake mogućnosti. Praksa grupnog finansiranja lečenja pod tim pretpostavkama ukazuje na manjkavost zdravstvenog sistema, te na činjenicu da se kolektivne dužnosti pravde ne izvršavaju. U odsustvu zdravstvenog sistema koji zadovoljava te potrebe, grupno finansiranje lečenja potencijalno je opravdan pokušaj da se isprave manjkavosti zdravstvenog sistema kroz izvršavanje individualne obaveze dobročinstva. U članku se argumentuje da je neophodno i moralno poželjno delovanje na dva, samo naizgled suprotstavljena, koloseka – donirati novac za lečenje, uz istovremeno zalaganje za izgradnju sistema u kojem će lečenje biti garantovano pravo, a ne stvar spremnosti sugrađana da ispune svoju moralnu obavezu. Kao što činjenica da oni koji su dužni da obezbede zdravstvenu zaštitu, a to ne čine, nije alibi da se ne pritekne u pomoć onima kojima je ona preko potrebna, tako ni odgovor na taj moralni apel ne bi trebalo da znači mirenje sa sistemskom nepravdom, ili čak njeno regenerisanje u tom pogledu.Crowdfunding for medical purposes, which involves the collection of funds from a large number of donors through a public appeal mainly through Internet platforms, is a growing phenomenon worldwide. Medical treatment is by far the most important purpose to which donors in Serbia dedicate their resources. This article focuses on the issue of moral behaviour in the context of medical crowdfunding. It analyses the beneficence principle from the perspective of core ethical theories - utilitarianism, Kantian deontology, and virtue ethics. It then discusses whether the support for treatment is in the realm of duty of charity or duty of justice. It is argued that health needs are morally important, and that society has an obligation to provide health care to guarantee equal opportunities. The appearance of the crowdfunding for medical treatments indicates the shortcomings of the health system, and that the collective duties of justice are not fulfilled. In the absence of a health system that meets the needs of all members of a society, medical crowdfunding can be seen as a potentially justifiable attempt to correct it, as it offers the opportunity for the fulfilment of individual obligations of beneficence. The article argues that it is necessary and morally desirable to act on two apparently opposing tracks - to donate money for medical treatments, while at the same time advocating for the health care system in which treatment will be a guaranteed right, and not a matter of fellow citizens' willingness to fulfil their moral obligation
The development and the role of philosophy with children in Serbia
No full textU ovom radu bavio sam se razvojem i ulogom filozofije za decu od njenih programskih početaka u Americi krajem šezdesetih i počet-kom sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka, preko recepcije u filozof-skim krugovima SFRJ, do uvođenja slobodne nastavne aktivnosti ,,Filozofija sa decom” u obrazovni sistem Republike Srbije. U počet-nom delu rada nalazi se prikaz ,,Filozofije za decu”, filozofsko-peda-goškog projekta Metjua Lipmana (Matthew Lipman), koji je smatrao da je filozofsko obrazovanje poželjno i moguće već u ranom dobu razvoja deteta. U središnjem delu rada, analiziraću tekstove o filozo-fiji za decu koji se u našim časopisima objavljuju samo petnaestak godina nakon Lipmanovih početaka, stavljajući ih u širi kontekst ra-sprave o metodici nastave filozofije i filozofiji kao nastavnom pred-metu. U završnom delu rada, biće reči o slobodnoj nastavnoj aktivno-sti ,,Filozofija sa decom”, koja je u osnovnoškolsko obrazovanje prvi put uvedena septembra 2022. godine, njenoj analizi i kritici. Teza rada je da je uvođenje ,,Filozofije sa decom” generalno pozitivan korak, ali da način na koji se ta nastava trenutno sprovodi ujedno predstavlja proizvod grubog kalkulisanja normama i fondom časova i to nauštrb onih koji su trenutno najpogodniji za realizaciju predmeta – nastavni-ka filozofije, te samim tim i nauštrb dece.The topic of this research paper is the development and role of Philosophy for Chil-dren, starting with its onset at the end of 1960s and the beginning of 1970s in America, then, concerning its reception in the philosophical circles of SFRY, and finally, its in-troduction to the educational system of the Republic of Serbia as an elective course named Philosophy with Children. The first part of the work is a review of Matthew Lip-man’s philosophical and pedagogical project “Philosophy for Children”, Lipman thought that philosophical education is needed and also possible from the early age of child development. In the middle part of the work, I analyze the texts on the topic of Phi-losophy for Children, which had been published in our journals only fifteen years after Lipman’s beginnings, and I treat them as a part of a wider context of the debate about methods of philosophy teaching and philosophy as a school subject. In the last part of the work, I talk about the elective course Philosophy with Children, which was intro-duced in September 2022 to elementary education for the first time. The thesis of this work is that the introduction of Philosophy for Children in Serbia is a generally posi-tive step, but the way in which the course is currently executed makes it a product of rough calculation with required workload for teachers. Therefore, at the cost of those who are the most apt and educated for executing and realizing the course - philoso-phy teachers, which means at the cost of children too
Bauci jugoslovenskih ratova: Kako manjine reaguju na raspad zemlje?
No full textThis article discusses minorities’ responses to conflicts in post-1989
Eastern Europe that focuses on them embracing violence to cede from
their original state and join their motherland or gain independence. The
discussion focuses on the actions of minorities in the contested areas in
the former Yugoslavia at the peak of the country’s 1990s crisis, described
as a drive towards ethnic self-determination. Faced with political crisis,
disintegration and/or oppression, most ethnic groups opted for
confrontation, secession and armed revolt/resistance with maximalist
independence claims instead of cooperation, integration or compromise.
Furthermore, I discuss some possible implications of the grim Yugoslav
experience. As I argue, to understand why minorities reverted to war in
the former Yugoslavia and beyond, we perhaps need to recognize that
post-1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe were predominantly the
expressions of nationalist revolt and not democratic revolutions. In
conclusion, I discuss some general conditions required for a minority to
rise to arms, following Jenne’s theory that stresses the role of external
patrons in spurring internal conflicts. I emphasize this synergy of ethnic
nationalism, external support by the kin state and/or international actors
and minority’s oppression as decisive for the eruption of ever-present
antagonisms into a larger conflict and war.Ovaj članak razmatra pitanje – kako manjine u Evropi posle 1989. godine reaguju kada su
zahvaćene konfliktom i/ili raspadom zemlje? Diskusija se usredsređuje na manjine u bivšoj
Jugoslaviji od početka 1990-ih, dakle na vrhuncu državne krize. Kao što tvrdim, ponašanje
nacionalnih manjina u spornim područjima u vreme krize može se najbolje opisati kao težnja
ka etničkom samoopredeljenju. Suočene sa političkom krizom i mogućim raspadom i objektivnom - stvarnom ili potencijalnom - represijom, većina etničkih grupa se odlučila za konfrontaciju umesto za saradnju, raspad i ocepljenje umesto integracije, oružanu pobunu/otpor
s maksimalističkim zahtevima za nezavisnost umesto kompromisa.
U radu se takođe razmatraju i neke moguće posledice sumornog jugoslovenskog iskustva. Kako se tvrdi, da bismo razumeli zašto su se manjine u bivšoj Jugoslaviji okrenule ratu
ili ga prihvatile, možda je najpre potrebno prepoznati da istočnoevropske revolucije posle
1989. godine nisu bile prevashodno demokratske revolucije, već pretežno izrazi nacionalnog
bunta.U zaključku se osvrćem i na neke opšte uslove potrebne da bi manjina posegla za oru žjem kao jedinim i krajnjim rešenjem za svoj status, posebno teoriji Erin Dženi (2007) koja
ističe ulogu spoljnih međunarodnih faktora u podsticanju unutrašnjih konflikata. Naglašavam
ovu sinergiju etničkog nacionalizma, spoljnje podrške od strane matične države i/ili međunarodnih aktera i represije prema manjini kao odlučujućima za erupciju (inače uvek prisutnih) antagonizama u širi konflikt i ra
Which Public, Whose Affair: The Aporia of Republic(anism)
No full textThe Republic always represented a certain emancipatory idea, a password,
or a flag, which stood up against imperial tyranny (Rome) or hereditary
monarchy (France). But that performance was neither unison nor
monochrome. Perhaps the purest, ideal-type representation of the republic,
with all the paradoxes and/or contradictions of its discourse, is offered by a
republic that in the political sense could not be called by that name, or
perhaps it was just a crypto-political republic, a so-called metaphor of the
republic that, all the more, reveals its constitutive fragility. Respublica
literaria is not a „real" republic, but it is not a complete chimera either: it
had its members, but no citizenship that guarantees anything. It did not
have its territorial boundaries, but it also knew how to limit the conditions
of belonging to it – by proving a standard that we could maybe call
intellectualistic, but a standard that was engaged inside communication.
This is the contradiction we would like to expose in this paper. The fact that
Respublica literaria consistently, to the point of paroxysm, followed the
principle that it is not a private but a public matter and that this occurred
alongside the fact that the public space, or the space of that public, was very
limited, and more transparently indicated than usual. The characteristic not
only of that republic but something like perhaps the fate of each: the first
act of the French republic was the closing of the borders, similar to the
Soviet one. The question is therefore whether the republic can exist in a
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universal way or whether it implies exclusion. And vice versa, is the act of
demarcation inevitable when establishing a republic that otherwise aspires
to universalit
Navigating the Post-Covid Era: The Challenge of Educating for Democratic Citizenship
No full textThe COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on democratic governance in many countries around the world, with emergency measures taken to combat the spread of the virus often used as a pretext for authoritarian leaders to consolidate power and undermine democratic institutions. As a result, some governments have suspended constitutional rights, restricted freedom of expression and assembly, and cracked down on dissenting voices, exploiting the pandemic to limit democratic participation and engagement. The closure of public spaces, limitations on freedom of speech, and the suspension of elections have also contributed significantly to the erosion of democratic values during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Moreover, the conflict between efforts to fight the pandemic through lockdowns and limitations on movements and gathering, and the need for citizens to be active and critical, created a tension between public health and democratic values. While some restrictions may have been necessary to curb the spread of the virus and protect public health, these measures have also limited citizens’ ability to engage in critical dialogue about government policies, voice dissenting opinions, and participate in democratic processes. This tension highlights the need to strike a balance between di- verse public values, and underscores the challenges posed by the pandemic to democratic governance. Additionally, the public discourse in many countries has become increasingly polarized, with alternative opinions often shamed or silenced, preventing constructive criticism of governmental measures and limiting the ability of citizens to engage in democratic processes.
The paper will use the data from international organizations such as Amnesty International, Freedom House, and the Varieties of Democracy Project, to indicate the ways in which the pandemic has had a negative impact on democracy around the world. This data will be used to provide a broad overview of the challenges faced by democratic institutions and processes in the context of COVID-19.
Next, the paper will draw on the ideas of Noam Chomsky and Hahrie Han to analyze the specific challenges posed by COVID-19 for democratic citizenship. Chomsky’s critiques of authoritarianism and state power will be used to examine the ways in which emergency measures taken in response to the pandemic have been used as a pretext for consolidating power and undermining democratic institutions. Finally, Han’s work on civic engagement and collective action will be used to explore the challenges and dilemmas facing citizens in the context of COVID-19, including limitations on expression and gathering, as well as the need for active and critical citizenship in the face of emergency measures taken to combat the spread of the virus.
In conclusion, the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic have brought to light the complex and multifaceted nature of democratic governance. As the world continues to grapple with the ongoing effects of various crises, as well as those that may arise in the future, the tension between collective action and individual freedoms remains a crucial issue that requires further exploration. Finding a balance between a harmonized social response and the plurality of voices that democracy needs is a complex and ongoing challenge. Furthermore, shaping education for democratic citizenship based on an active and critical approach without undermining social trust and legitimacy is another significant challenge that requires careful consideration