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The Thrown Project: Architecture and War
No full textThis paper examines the concept of the project through a tragic but significant example, namely Albert Speer’s project. Speer, like any architect worthy of the name, does not drop his designs from some hyperuranium of creativity, nor does he confine them to a drawing board for the benefit not of the inhabitants, but of the readers; and even more, unlike a machine, he does not merely execute the prescriptions of an al-gorithm. It is, on the contrary, rooted in a soil. By defending himself, by digging a hole of words, by invoking devices and programmes, by hiding behind a Diktat, Speer opens up a path that will be beaten after him, that, to express himself with Heidegger, of the “thrown project,”, of the fact that all our designing is nothing but the execution of a Message from the Emperor, the submission to the injunctions of technology. But the proj-ect, if it is a project, is lagging behind the programme, and conversely a programme that is not lagging behind (the laws of nature or trains when it goes well) is not a project. The project has a constitutive delay, it al-ways has a delay, and that is why it is the delay, it does not have a delay
Alessandro Rocca, Totem and Taboo in Architectural Imagination, LetteraVentidue, Siracusa, 2022.
No full textSpatial Distance and Representation in Closed PR List: Revisiting the U-Curve Argument
No full textThe authors are testing the patterns of geographical representation in single nationwide district closed-list PR systems, in the framework of an earlier study made by Latner and McGann (2005), who suggested that MPs mostly reside in central metropolitan areas, as well as in distant regions, to the detriment of descriptive representation of areas adjacent to the capital. In this way, spatial distance serves as an incentive for parties to nominate lists comprised mostly of candidates from metropolitan urban centres who can easily reach the mid-distance municipalities for campaigning and constituency service, but also of those candidates residing in peripheral regions in which there is some sort of political or ethno-cultural saliency, prompting the voters to prefer their local candidates over capital city politicians. Authors are offering a novel approach of measuring and comparing spatial distance to the data on representation of local administrative units and regional subdivisions of four countries (Montenegro, Netherlands, Serbia and Slovakia). While the findings indeed indicate overrepresentation of capital cities and underrepresentation of neighbouring areas, the representation of peripheral areas is not significantly pronounced and seemingly depends more on a contextual case-to-case basis than on a general pattern related to spatial distance producing political or ethno-cultural saliency
The Age of Skin and the Epoch of an Author: A Eulogy to Dubravka Ugrešić
No full textThis text, the initial purpose of which was to review Dubravka Ugrešić’s
latest book in English translation, the collection of essays The Age of Skin (2020),
unexpectedly transformed into a synthetic writing on the literary and cultural
relevance of this great feminist post-Yugoslav author, who passed away suddenly on
17 March 2023. The article analyses the main theses of the book and contextualizes
them within Dubravka Ugrešić’s overall text corpus, emphasizing the importance of
her essayistic authorial voice—a voice that articulates critical topics of our time,
from poverty, exploitation, and violence, to migrations, everyday life mythologies,
and popular culture, to melancholic recollections of a better past, together with a
utopian future and the possibility of resistance, enabled also by the power and
beauty of literature
Orban i Vučić: Od različitih početaka do zajedničkih vrednosti
No full textPoslednjih godina Viktor Orban i Aleksandar Vučić sklopili su jedno od najneočekivanijih partnerstava u Evropi. Njihovi susreti su intenzivirani od pandemije korona virusa, a posebno posle invazije Rusije na Ukrajinu. Danas se čini da Orbanov i Vučićev ideološki diskurs deli mnoge vrednosti: oni su kritični prema Zapadu i dvosmisleni prema Rusiji, protive se vrednostima individualizma i promovišu kolektivističke vrednosti porodice i nacije, istovremeno podrivajući vladavinu prava. Međutim, njihovi ideološki počeci nisu mogli biti drugačiji. Orban je započeo političku karijeru kao prozapadni, disidentski liberalni omladinski lider Fidesa; Vučić je u politiku ušao u iliberalnoj, antizapadnoj Srpskoj radikalnoj stranci. Vučić je 1999. bio ministar informisanja u vladi u ratu sa NATO-om i Mađarskom tadašnjeg premijera Orbana. U ovom radu analiziram putanje Orbanovih i Vučićevih ideoloških pozicija i njihovo postepeno približavanje. Takođe, ispitujem elemente njihovog ideološkog diskursa koji su i danas relativno divergentni i ocenjujem doslednost primene njihovih pogleda na svet. Prateći analizu ideoloških putanja dvojice lidera i stepena njihove koherentnosti, razmatram objašnjenja ovih promena tokom vremena, oslanjajući se na različite teorijske okvire, normativna opredeljenja, instrumentalne vrednosti ideološkog diskursa i efekte difuzije. Da bi se ova objašnjenja testirala, trebalo bi razmotriti najkritičnije razlike između Vučićevih i Orbanovih stavova u prošlosti, tokom rata 1999. i migrantske krize 2015, i njihova naknadna opravdanja. Njihovi odnosi sa liberalnim državama Zapada mogu donekle da objasne konfliktne periode i to kako su dva lidera retroaktivno predstavljali ove događaje. Ovo poređenje razvoja ideoloških diskursa dva autoritarna lidera doprinosi boljem razumevanju varijeteta autoritarnosti u Evropi, međuzavisnosti autoritarnih projekata i njihovih širih implikacija, posebno tokom produbljivanja podela u Evropi.Za izdavača: Dušan Pavlovi
Širenje homofobije kao zaraze: Kritička analiza homofobnog diskursa o epidemiji majmunskih boginja u Srbiji 2022. godine kroz prizmu glokalnosti
No full textUbrzo nakon saznanja o pojavi majmunskih boginja (MB) u razvijenim zapadnim društvima i u Srbiji, javili su se i diskursi homofobije u
tekstovima objavljenim na portalima domaćih e-novina, kao i u reakcijama javnosti na društvenim mrežama. Predmet ovog rada je diskurs zaraze
majmunskim boginjama, koji se manifestovao kao (relativno) nov oblik
uobličenja homofobije u srpskom društvu (pored već dobro poznatih pet,
dokumentovanih u domaćim istraživanjima). Nastojaćemo da pokažemo
da homofobni diskurs zaraze, sa jedne strane, ima dugu istoriju trajanja
u društvima centra svetskog kapitalizma (etiketiranje gej muškaraca kao
prenosilaca zaraznih bolesti), budući da čitava situacija neodoljivo podseća na moralnu (seksualnu) paniku vezanu za pojavu epidemije HIV/
AIDS-a osamdesetih, kao i drugih zaraznih bolesti. Sa druge strane, diskurs o MB preuzima specifičnu glokalnu formu u susretanju preovlađujuće
homofobije lokalnog srpskog društva na poluperiferiji svetskog kapitalizma i dve globalne pojave – epidemije majmunskih boginja i manifestacije
Evroprajda u Beogradu 2022. godine. Tačnije, diskurs zaraze MB je ispoljen u formi tvrdnje da su gej muškarci izvor epidemije MB-a, koja preti
da kulminira za vreme Evroprajda i, time, predstavlja opasnost za srpsku
naciju. Konačno, ponudićemo rekonceptualizaciju zapadnocentričnog pojma homonacionalizma koji u društvenoj teoriji nastoji da objasni homofobiju, a koji je neophodno zameniti konceptom heteronacionalizma, adekvatnijim za uvid u hegemonu antigej retoriku tipičnu za istočnoevropska
društva. Iskustvena evidencija na kojoj će studija biti bazirana primenom
kritičke analize diskursa sastoji se iz dva dela. Prvi deo nastoji da mapira
strukturni (odozgo) aspekat date pojave, analizom članaka onlajn verzije domaćih medija, koji su konstruisali epidemiju MB kao „gej zarazu”. Drugi deo nastoji da utvrdi aktersku (odozdo) perspektivu, analizom komentara dela javnosti na objavama društvenih mreža koje su tematizovale
Evroprajd kao pretnju širenja MB-a
Rousseau and Hegel: the Many Sides of Republican Freedom
No full textOur presentation will consist of two parts. The first part will focus on the ambivalences of Rousseau's republican freedom and critique the interpretation of Rousseau offered by Isaiah Berlin. Berlin's interpretation ignores essential aspects, including the fact that the social contract itself, as the preservation of citizens, does not simply manifest positive freedom. Similarly, the more obviously republican thought, that freedom is not being subjected to the arbitrary will of other agents, embodies a complex concept of freedom. The complexity of the Rousseauian republican concept of freedom, with its multiplex combination of positive and negative aspects, is revealed when we take into consideration the various layers of Rousseau's
quadrotomy of freedom (natural freedom, civil freedom, democratic freedom, moral freedom), without resorting to reductionist interpretative strategies. Rousseau will also be analyzed as an advocate of freedom as non-domination and in the role of watching over and critiquing the government.
Based on this analysis and in light of the discussion about the positive and negative aspects of Rousseau’s conception of republican freedom, the second part will examine Hegel's critique of Rousseau. It will be demonstrated that while Hegel does indeed resolve some of the paradoxes of republican freedom, which he implicitly identified through his criticism of Rousseau, he introduces new ones within his political philosophy. At the same time, it will be shown that when the negative aspect of Rousseau's conception of republican freedom is taken into account some of Hegel's criticisms directed at Rousseau’s ‘general will’ have merit and cannot be reduced to a mere misreading as is often done
