University of Arts in Belgrade
Digital Repository of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of BelgradeNot a member yet
4571 research outputs found
Sort by
Jugoslovenski komunisti i evropska krajnja levica - od prvih pristalica italijanskih evrokomunista do poslednjih saveznika francuskih neostaljinista (1965-1985)
No full textComplex structural changes of social realty in SFRY and Western Europe
during post-war decades have created the need for the largest Marxist
parties of Europe outside Eastern Bloc to accommodate their party
policies to new political challenges and social circumstances. Gradually,
communist parties of Mediterranean started to contemplate creation of
a new Marxist ideology for the welfare state era, which in practice meant
seizing attempts to adjust principles of Bolshevik socialist model to their
unique local circumstances, and moving away from the influence of Soviet
party. League of Communists of Yugoslavia supported the reformist
fractions of Italian, French, Greek and Spanish communist parties, which
opened the path for further expansion of international influence and
prestige of the Yugoslav communists. However, historical evolution of
SFRY state policies and Yugoslav party ideology eventually took a different
course than the reforms of party policies and ideologies of early
Eurocommunist parties. The purpose of this article is to contribute to
further understanding of the long term social and historical process which
created a drift between the leading reformist parties of Europe. This is
to be achieved by applying comparative method to the results of archival
research conducted on historical sources that testify about the cooperation
between Yugoslav, Italian and French communists at various time points
during the twenty year long period, while using the findings of numerous
historical, sociological and philosophical books and articles in order to
bring the research results in the appropriate social and historical context.Složene strukturne promene društvene realnosti u SFRJ i zapadnoj Evropi tokom posleratnih decenija stvorile su potrebu da najveće marksističke partije Evrope van istočnog bloka
prilagode svoju partijsku politiku novim političkim izazovima i društvenim okolnostima. Postepeno, komunističke partije mediteranskog područja počele su da razmišljaju o stvaranju
nove marksističke ideologije za eru države blagostanja, što je u praksi značilo prigrađivanje
pokušaja da se principi boljševičkog socijalističkog modela prilagode njihovim jedinstvenim
lokalnim prilikama, kao i udaljavanje od uticaja sovetske partije. Savez komunista Jugoslavije
podržao je reformističke frakcije italijanskih, francuskih, grčkih i španskih komunističkih
partija, što je otvorilo put daljem širenju međunarodnog uticaja i prestiža jugoslavenskih komunista. Međutim, istorijska evolucija državne politike SFRJ i jugoslovenske partijske ideologije na kraju je krenula drugačijim tokom od reformi partijske politike i ideologija ranih
evrokomunističkih partija. Svrha ovog članka je da doprinese daljem razumevanju dugoročnog društvenog i istorijskog procesa koji je stvorio zaokret između vodećih reformističkih
partija Evrope. Ovo se postiže primenom komparativne metode na rezultate arhivskih istraživanja. istorijskih izvora koji svedoče o saradnji jugoslovenskih, italijanskih i francuskih ko munista u različitim vremenskim periodima tokom dvadesetogodišnjeg perioda, uz korišćenje
saznanja brojnih istorijskih, socioloških i filozofskih knjiga i članaka kako bi se rezultati istra živanja doveli u odgovarajući društveni i istorijski kontekst
Freedom, History and the Subject of the Unconscious. Theoretical Contributions to the Ideological Study
No full textIn this article we address the notions of freedom, history and subjectivity, in order make an original contribution to the studies of ideology. Our methodology will consist in crossing Freudian-Lacanian psychoanalysis and the theory of interpellation of Louis Althusser. In the introduction, we start by exposing two major critiques of Freudian psychoanalysis, one formulated by Jean-Paul Sartre, and the other by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, thus shedding the light on how the psychoanalysis could represent (despite those critical arguments), a field of freedom rather than determinism, and a domain which is inherently historical, rather than the opposite. In the first section, will look closer at the notions of freedom, memory and history, advancing a preliminary hypothesis according to which within the symbolic space, the past remains open to changes – which will make both ideology and freedom possible. Moreover, we will see what aspects of freedom could be found within the Althusserian theory of interpellation, and how Lacanian psychoanalysis is compatible with it or can lead us beyond its limitations. In the second section, we will see how there can be a subject that precedes subjectivation, and how Lacan’s theory of subject which arises from the traumatic remainder, surpasses the scope of the theory of interpellation. The third section will address the pulse-traumatic core of the subject, such as it is conceived by Freud, not only as a determining dimension of the individual psyche, but as a structural condition of culture. Via these considerations, we will show how psychoanalysis can provide an explanation of the foundations of ideology, by conceiving the pulse-traumatic core of law that resides in the Name-of-Father. In the conclusion, we will see, through a series of examples, how ideology appears in the guise of truth, and why the psychoanalytic understanding of the unconscious is necessary for debunking the illusions it produces
Chinese whispers in clay: Copying error and cultural attraction in the experimental transmission chain of anthropomorphic figurines
No full textUnderstanding the nature of copying errors in the cultural transmission of material culture is highly relevant for students of cultural evolution, especially in the field of evolutionary archaeology. In this paper, we set up a classic transmission chain experiment, which involves making clay anthropomorphic figurines, to explore the nature of the copying error related to the production of 3D objects. The experiment consists of four independent transmission chains, each with 10 participants. Three chains are non-expert chains, as they consist of students of archaeology and psychology with no formal training in arts. The fourth is an expert chain consisting of art students. Our results show that the copying error predictably differs between the experts and the non-experts – it is lower in the expert chain. However, in both groups, the error is higher than predicted by the models that assume that the copying error is only due to imperfections in the perception of linear dimensions. Taken together, these two results suggest that, in addition to the error in perception, the error in the execution contributes significantly to the overall error, as predicted by the recently formulated object-mediated transmission model (Crema et al., 2023). The results of our experiment also show that the errors are often biased rather than random, suggesting that the transmission process involves the transformations anticipated by the cultural attraction theory
Adil Zulfikarpašić i Bosanski pogledi prema „totalitarnim pokretima“ u Jugoslaviji
No full textRad polazi od teorija o totalitarizmu i njihovih (post)hladnoratovskih funkcionalizacija. Izjednačavanje fašizma i socijalizma imalo je političku funkciju legitimizacije antikomunizma. Problem sa naknadnom totalitarizacijom jugoslovenskog poretka je u tome što nikada nije postignut konsenzus u nauci i teoriji. U radu se akcenat stavlja na temeljne ideološke odrednice Adila Zulfikarpašića i liberalnog kruga, pretežno, muslimanske emigracije, okupljene oko časopisa Bosanski pogledi. Njihova politička pozicija liberalno-demokratskog centra odbacivala je saradnju i sa jugoslovenskim vlastima u zemlji, ali i sa nacionalističkim krugovima u emigraciji, jednako ih ocenjujući kao totalitarne, antiliberalne i demokratski deficitarne. Zulfikarpašić je gradeći emigrantske organizacije bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana, tragao za sličnim liberalnim i demokratskim strukturama među političkim emigrantima drugih jugoslovenskih naroda u borbi za demokratizaciju Jugoslavije, tražeći ravnopravno mesto za Bosnu i Hercegovinu i prihvatanje realnosti o posebnosti bošnjačkog (muslimanskog) nacionalnog identiteta
Nostalgija za boljim životom: percepcije Jugoslavije
No full textJugonostalgija se može definirati kao sentimentalna čežnja za periodom Jugoslavije, kao
kolektivnom prošlošću ili kombinacijom lične i kolektivne prošlosti. U popularnoj kulturi
prostora bivše Jugoslavije, jugonostalgija se povezuje sa turizmom, muzikom, stripovima i
svakodnevnim predmetima iz perioda Jugoslavije, te je neki autori smatraju površnim i čak
štetnim fenomenom. Kako je pojam jugonostalgije rijetko izučavan iz perspektive psihološke
znanosti, cilj istraživanja je bio definiranje toga što ljudi s prostora bivše Jugoslavije
podrazumijevaju pod ovim pojmom, te proučavanje ka čemu su specifično usmjerena
sentimentalna osjećanja ljudi prema periodu Jugoslavije. Uzorak je prikupljen preko interneta,
snowball metodom, a činile su ga 303 osobe koje žive na području bivše Jugoslavije. Dobivene
su značajne korelacije između stupnja jugonostalgije i ekonomske (r = -.283) i socijalne
političke orijentacije (r = -.419), odnosno veći stupanj jugonostalgije pokazuju ispitanici koji se
pozicioniraju lijevo na političkom spektru. Također, pokazuje se da se ispitanici stariji od 35
godina značajno više identificiraju s Jugoslavijom od mlađih ispitanika (t (298) = -4.806, p <
.01). 57.5 % ispitanika je definiralo jugonostalgiju kao pozitivan pojam, dok je 21.2 % ispitanika
davalo negativne odgovore. Ispitanici kao ono što im nedostaje iz perioda Jugoslavije pretežno
navode stabilnost i sigurnost (radnih mjesta, stambenog pitanja i slično) (27.4 %), jaku i veliku
državu sa znatnim međunarodnim ugledom (18.8 %), bratstvo i jedinstvo i mir među narodima
bivše Jugoslavije (16.1 %) i vrijednosti poput društvene ravnopravnosti i boljeg položaja žena
i radnika (13.1 %). Rezultati impliciraju da jugonostalgija nije površan fenomen koji
podrazumijeva samo osobna sjećanja i sentimentalna osjećanja prema svakodnevnim
proizvodima ili pop-kulturi, već ona podrazumijeva prije svega želju za drugačijim društvenim
uređenjem, bliskošću naroda u regiji i boljim položajem trenutno postojećih država u svijetu
The Role of Security in Social Well-Being
No full textThe paper focuses on security as a highly valued political good whose provision is being one of the basic functions of the state realized internally through a functional approach to rights. It explores various phenomena that affect society and the overall quality of social life in the context of the traditional understanding of human rights in a democratic society, and how the fight against organized crime jeopardizes human rights. The current trend in combating organized crime is manifested in a narrow spectrum of repressive responses to security threats, shifting the policy of combating organized crime beyond the framework of social well-being as a concept that guides social organization. The consequence of implementing such a policy against organized crime is intensified victimization. This paper aims to consider the proportionality of responses to threats from organized crime in the context of the infringement of human rights due to the use of repressive measures. Also, in the second part of the paper, the authors want to emphasize that a functional approach to ensuring security, as a value that enables the sustainability and development of the community, implies an integrative approach, i.e., the need to involve women as actors in the security system because a security strategy without an integrative approach deprives society of its overall attributes, negatively impacting its resilience and diminishing it. The authors problematize the dysfunctionality of institutions, which results in the creation of market foundations for organized crime. Where the state effectively offers services that organized crime provides in weak states (debt collection, protection from violence and extortion, effective transactions in money and goods etc.), the space for the market placement of "products" of organized crime is significantly narrowed. Considering the proportion of repressive and non-repressive proactive action against organized crime, in the second part of the paper, the authors assess the realistic scope of favorable consequences that such a combined policy of combating organized crime would produce in the sphere of the composite corpus of human and civil rights affected through the categories and institutions of the democratic political system.Universitatea de Vest din Timișoara, and Pécsi Tudományegyete
