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A War for the Soul Of Sociology: A Conflict of Two Visions Of Sociology in the Context of Social Changes in the Second Half of the XX Century
No full textU radu se razmatraju supstancijalne promene u sociologiji koje su
nastupile šezdesetih godina prošlog veka. Primenjujući metod kontekstualne
analize, ove promene u identitetu sociologa situiramo u
kontekst društvenih promena druge polovine XX veka, odnosno u
kontekst svetske revolucije 1968. i kulturnih ratova. Stoga su Volerstinova
svetsko-sistemska perspektiva i Hartmanova istorija kulturnih
ratova poslužile kao teorijski fundament za razumevanje društveno-
istorijskog konteksta u kojem se odigrala metamorfoza sociološke
nauke. Autor u radu iznosi tri komplementarne tvrdnje. Prva je da
se šezdesetih godina prošlog veka sociologija, kao i ostatak naučne
zajednice, našla zahvaćena burnim društvenim zbivanjima tog vremena.
Sledeća tvrdnja je da je sociologija, za razliku od ostalih akademskih
disciplina, usled ovih društvenih previranja i sâma prošla
kroz dalekosežne transformativne procese. Naposletku, autor zastupa
mišljenje da sukob dveju dijametralno suprotnih vizija sociologije,
sukob onoga što je Fridriks nazvao „svešteničkim i proročkim modusom“,
treba posmatrati kao obračun Nove levice i reakcionarnog dela
Stare levice u okviru sociološke zajednice. Doprinos ovog rada ogleda
se u identifikaciji, sistematizaciji i interpretaciji socioloških ratova.The paper considers substantial changes in sociology which started in the sixties. By using the method of contextual analysis, these changes in the sociologist’s identity are situated in the context of social changes in the second half of the XX century, that is, in the context of the world revolution of 1968 and the culture wars. Therefore, Wallerstein’s world-system perspective and Hartman’s history of the culture wars served as a theoretical foundation for understanding the socio-historical context in which a metamorphosis of the sociological science took place. In the paper, the author presents three complementary contentions. The first one is that during the sixties sociology, like the rest of the scholarly community, found itself drawn into the tumultuous social events of that time. The next contention is that sociology itself, unlike other academic disciplines, has undergone far-reaching transformative processes as a consequence of these social upheavals. Lastly, the author contends that a conflict of two diametrically opposed visions of sociology, a conflict of what Friedrichs designated as “the priestly and the prophetic mode”, should be perceived as a clash of the New Left and the reactionary fraction of the Old Left within the sociological community. The main contribution of this paper is the identification, systematization and interpretation of the sociology wars
Када институције закажу: грађанске скупштине, партиципација и информисање младих у Србији
No full textУ овом раду ће бити испитан потенцијал грађанских скупштина и делиберативних пракси у информисању гра]ана, посебно младих у Србији у случају када званичне институције то не раде. Информисаност грађана, посебно осетљивих група у коју спадају и млади, представља основ њиховог активног учествовања у артикулисању јавних политика које се њих тичу, као и вршења мониторинга истих. Нетранспарентне и затворене институције не труде се да учине информације од значаја лако доступним грађанима, чиме се долази до смањења поверења у те исте институције, смањења нивоа грађанске партиципације младих, као и њихове могућности да ефикасно прате процесе јавне политике. Теза овог рада јесте да у случају нетранспарентних институција грађанске скупштине могу служити као алтернативно средство информисања и оснаживања младих за учешће у артикулисању и праћењу јавних политика. Тада, организације цивилног друштва и научне институције представљају иницијаторе таквих скупштина. Као студија случаја ће се користити грађанске скупштине у Ваљеву и Београду. Иако се ове скупштине нису тицале искључиво младих, чињеница је да су они били статистички репрезентовани у обе скупштине, те је могуће извући одређене закључке о утицају делиберације на ниво њихове информисаности
Kantovo poverenje u političku vrednost rada i globalne mobilnosti. Ne-idealno objašnjenje kosmopolitske normativnosti
No full textThis account first endorses the normative strength of Kant’s cosmopolitan right, even if it is not lacking in non-ideal traits, and then takes issue with Flikschuh’s well-known interpretation of what she labels Kant’s “dilemma of sovereignty”. Second, I tease out some of the non-ideal features underpinning Kant’s cosmopolitanism with the help of the Kantian theory of labour, which in turn helps reveal the material conditions behind the qualifications of the subject who in Kant’s view is able to move through the world. Finally, I draw some conclusions about the advantages of a non-ideal approach for upgrading the normative value of global mobility in Kant’s juridical philosophy.Tekst započinje razmatranjem normativne snage Kantovog kosmopolitskog prava, bez obzira na to što ono poseduje i ne-idealne odlike, i raspravom sa uticajnom interpretacijom Katrin Flikšu Kantove „dileme suverenosti“. Zatim, rekonstruišem neke ne-idealne odlike na kojima počiva Kantov kosmopolitizam uz pomoć kantovske teorije rada, što omogućava da se prepoznaju materijalni uslovi iza kvalifikacija subjekta koji je, iz Kantove perspektive, u stanju da se kreće kroz svet. Najzad, izvodim neke zaključke o prednostima ne-idealnog pristupa za poboljšanje normativne vrednosti globalne mobilnosti u Kantovoj filozofiji prava
The Patterns of Influence: LIWC Analysis of Leading News Portals' Impact and Communication Accommodation Theory on Twitter
No full textA quantitative analysis was conducted on the tweets of 20 leading Serbian mass media outlets and their followers during the three months from January 1 to March 30, 2021. The analysis, that encompassed more than 1 million tweets, was conducted using (a) Twitter API, (b) the Serbian version of LIWC linguistic dictionary, and (c) additional statistical analyses. Analyses revealed that words related to affective processes (negative emotions), social processes (family and friends), perceptual processes (feel and hear), and personal concerns (work and religion) expressed in tweets of mass media were predictors of the same words in not necessarily related tweets of their followers. The research has shown that spread of psychological and linguistic patterns by media and social networking sites is not limited to negative emotions solely. This research highlights the significance of recommender systems, as they help to determine the content that social media users encounter on a personal level. The findings also indicate how we can address emerging and pressing issues that affect individuals' well-being and democratic capacity, such as echo chambers and polarization. The obtained findings are in line with the communication accommodation theory, emotional contagion theory and negativity bias. Limitations of the present research, future directions, and implications are discussed
Na šta mislimo kada kažemo... Energetska tranzicija kroz prekograničnu međuopštinsku saradnju
No full textSalon i društvenost: Žene od/za pera?
No full textPreveo sa engleskog i francuskog, priredio i uvodnu studiju napisao Predrag Krstić.Sadržaj: Saloni u doba prosvetiteljstva: susret ambicija žena i filozofa / Dina Gudman = Enlightenment Salons: The Convergence of Female and Philosophic Ambitions / Dena Goodman. Društvenost i mondenost: ljudi od pera u pariskim salonima osamnaestog veka / Antoan Lilti = Sociabilité et mondanité: Les hommes de lettres dans les salons parisiens au XVIIIe siècle / Antoine Lilti.Biblioteka Minima
Therapeutic Ethics and The Spirit Of Neoliberalism – Reflections on Contemporary Research of Therapy Culture And Self-Help Culture In Post-Yugoslav Societies
No full textTherapy culture, in its various manifestations, is a relatively established
field of study and has been so for decades in European and American
social sciences and humanities. However, this field is apparently yet
to develop in the countries of ex-Yugoslavia, and the Balkans in general.
Therefore, our presentation will take the form of a metasynthesis of existing
research on therapy culture and self-help culture in the countries of
ex-Yugoslavia. We will show that since this field of study is still in its infancy
in the region, the research is highly empirically oriented. Therefore,
we will point to the lack of a substantive theoretical conceptualization as a
factor that is keeping the research of therapy culture and self-help culture
in these countries from forming as a distinct field of study. In the second
part of our presentation, we will present a theoretical framework based
on the “governmentality approach” as a way of conceptualizing therapy
culture and self-help culture and their place in post-socialist contexts. We
will claim that this way therapy culture and self-help culture can be understood
as creating a new “ethos” (Foucault) or a new “structure of feeling”
(Williams) that contributes to the neoliberal transition of ex-Yugoslav
countries
Judith Butler and Politics
No full textPresents Judith Butler's interest in plurality of bodily lives and her search for a social transformation conducive to a more livable world
Offers a novel understanding of Butler’ work as a call for an insurrection at the level of the real
Provides a framework based on an intersection of four main pillar-concepts, performativity, agency, livable life and non-violence
Reads Butler’s philosophy as centred on bodies
Reads Butler’s work as a convincing counter-argument against liberal versions of ontology
This book is the only monograph-length study of the work of Judith Butler to focus on the entire scope of her work, including the last decade of her writing. In light of these texts, it presents a fresh interpretation of Butler’s political thought, oriented by the idea of an insurrection at the level of the real.
Chapters on ontology, performativity, agency and precariousness, a liveable life and non-violence explain how Butler’s thought has always been focused on embodied performances. Instead of seeing Butler as simply a thinker of the subversive performance of cultural scripts, the book frames her work for the twenty-first century as an ambitious and coherent egalitarian alternative to liberal political philosophy.
Each chapter introduces a Butlerian concept, clarifying this in the context of critical debates, while explaining its contribution to a new social ontology whose key normative principle is a liveable life. The book explores the potential of this conceptual framework not just in relation to the politics of gender, but also to questions of social inequality, structural violence and the experience of precarity. Designed for both researchers and students, it provides a comprehensive way of accessing what is radically original about this crucial political theorist
Spiritualizing Anarchism, Making Spiritual Practices Anarchistic
No full textThis article not only mentions spiritual anarchism nominally, as do so many previous articles,
but tries to define it as precisely as possible. The definition assumes that the self itself can be
a source of unjustifiable authority and a limitation to freedom, and that spiritual anarchism is
nothing more than being open to that which transegoically transcends our narrow perspective.
The article critically revisits previous overviews of spiritual anarchism, and itself proposes to
take into account traditions that have been neglected. Finally, the article reverses the approach;
that is, it considers how some of our spiritual practices can be made more anarchistic, including
meditation, the psychedelic experience and the mystical experience
Uloga obrazovanja u Aristotelovoj Politici
No full textAristotle analyzed the problem of education in the seventh and eighth books of Politics. Most researchers interpret his thoughts on education as “the education of the youth”. Some authors try to convince us of the significance of contemplation and the problem of the best possible way of life in analyzing Aristotle’s education theory. We would like to regard the problem of education in another frame. The role of education is exceptionally significant, judging from the central theme of Politics – the political practice of human beings. Therefore, the critical question we want to ask here is – what is the reason for creating a polis? Only when we understand Aristotle’s answer to this question will we know why education plays such an essential role in a polis. Aristotle avoids definitively prescribing and ordering what music children and citizens should listen to. He leaves open the critical question about “how children and citizens should be educated”. Disagreeing on the proper way of education is the very essence of education. No ready-made best way to be educated has to be applied in every case. The best way is only the one that is the outcome of the particular dispute. Just as citizens, while in power, have to think about those who are subordinate because they replace each other, when thinking about the aim of education, they have to think about each other. Outside of that process, there is no ideal form of education, the application of which would improve the political community.Aristotel problem obrazovanja analizira u sedmoj i osmoj knjizi Politike. Većina istraživača njegova razmišljanja o obrazovanju tumači kao „obrazovanje mladih“. Neki autori, analizirajući Aristotelovu teoriju obrazovanja, pokušavaju da nas uvere u značaj kontemplacije i problema najboljeg načina života. Ovde želimo da problem obrazovanja sagledamo u drugom okviru. Uloga obrazovanja izuzetno je značajna, sudeći po središnjoj temi Politike – političkoj praksi čoveka. Stoga je ključno pitanje koje ovde želimo da postavimo – koji je razlog stvaranja polisa? Tek kada shvatimo Aristotelov odgovor na ovo pitanje, moći ćemo razumeti zašto obrazovanje igra tako bitnu ulogu u polisu. Aristotel svakako izbegava da propisuje i naređuje koju muziku deca i građani treba da slušaju. On ostavlja otvorenim ključno pitanje „kako obrazovati decu i građane“. Neslaganje oko ispravnog načina obrazovanja je zapravo njegova suština. Ne postoji gotov, najbolji način obrazovanja koji se može primeniti u svakoj
situaciji. Najbolji način je samo onaj koji je rezultat sporenja na ovu temu. Kao što građani,
dok su na vlasti, moraju misliti na one koji su podređeni jer jedni druge smenjuju, isto tako
kada razmišljaju o cilju obrazovanja jednako moraju misliti jedni na druge. Izvan tog procesa
ne postoji idealan oblik obrazovanja čijom bi se primenom mogla unaprediti politička
zajednica