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The World of Work in the Hungarian Television – The Portrayal of Occupations in Hungarian Fiction Series
Full text linkTelevision plays an important role in socialization (Greenberg, 1982; Signorielli, 1993; Wright el al., 1995; Cohen and Weimann, 2000; Hoffner et al., 2008; Gehrau, Brüggemann, Handrup, 2016), and it has a great impact later on too. Viewers gain knowledge from television about new, unfamiliar or unusual things, and they learn from there about the greater social reality to which they do not have direct access. Many television programmes represent occupations through working characters, therefore media has an inevitable role in shaping the public opinion on work-related notions.
Work plays a central role in human life. In the Western culture active life is the standard, meaning that the people’s lives are framed by doing paid work. Work affects life in many ways: transforms the environment and shapes people’s identity (Watson, 2008). Occupations determine individuals in the social settings. On social events, for example, people who meet for the first time often ask the question from each-other “What do you do?”. The answer to this question helps people to define who they are in the social context. Participation in certain occupations are culturally bound and socially valued (Phelan and Kinsella, 2009; Unruh, 2004) and occupational titles functions as social categories as well, therefore, they are also a part of social identity
The Conflict of the 2015 European Migration Crisis A Multi-Level Analysis in Austria and Hungary [védés előtt]
Full text linkThe 2015 European migration crisis marked a significant turning point in contemporary European politics, highlighting widespread societal and political tensions across the continent. The unprecedented influx of refugees and migrants, particularly from the Middle East and North Africa, posed complex challenges for European states, both in terms of governance and public perception. This crisis generated immediate humanitarian and political responses and may have reshaped long-term political discourse, electoral dynamics, and social attitudes toward migration.
As a consequence of the intense migratory pressure, the crisis led to profound societal and political conflicts, as migration became a highly polarising issue, influencing party politics, policy-making, and public debates. The extent and nature of these conflicts varied across countries, reflecting differences in historical, economic, and political contexts. This divergence highlights the dual nature of immigration, presenting it both as an economic and cultural opportunity and as a security and identity challenge. While some political parties pursued policies of openness and humanitarian support, others prioritised border protection and national sovereignty, contributing to a fragmented European response.
To analyse political and social conflicts, cleavage theories serve as one of the most prominent theoretical frameworks. The traditional approach (e.g. Lipset & Rokkan, 1967) argues that party choice and party strategies are primarily shaped by socio-demographic factors, which determine voters' position on public policy issues ('bottom up' causality direction). In contrast, the revisionist perspective (e.g. Lijphart, 1984) suggests that political parties shape voters' value preferences through their strategies, and these value preferences influence both party affiliation and positions on public policy issues ('top-down' causality direction). In parallel, the new revisionist approach extends the framework of cleavage theories by highlighting the significance of the normative level, which includes both normative identities and value preferences. According to the theorists of this perspective, the normative level serves as a mediating level between voters' socio-demographic factors and political parties' strategies (Bartolini & Mair, 1990; Deegan‐Krause, 2009).
As the migration-related political conflict has intensified and persisted, it is crucial
to examine whether the conflicts arising from the migration crisis can be classified as a cleavage-level conflict. If this hypothesis is confirmed, which existing patterns of political and social divisions align with it? Conversely, if the conflict cannot be qualified as a cleavage-level conflict, the study aims to identify alternative forms of political and social conflict to understand better how migration-related conflicts interact with existing social and institutional structures.
To address these questions, the research employs a three-level analytical model, examining the voter, normative, and party levels. The study focuses on Hungary, while Austria serves as a reference country for comparative purposes. In terms of methodological aspects, the research analyses political parties' position toward immigration based on their party manifestos (Manifesto Project Database - MPD) and rhetoric (Chapel Hill Expert Survey – CHES) by crosstabulation and correlation analysis. The model employs voter-level analysis using European Social Survey (ESS) data and multi-level regression analysis to examine attitudes toward migration. Because of the data availability, the time frame varies by level of analysis: party-level analysis covers the period from 2014 to 2018, capturing shifts in party positions before and after the migration crisis, while voter-level analysis examines the period between 2002 and 2018 to assess long-term attitudinal changes. Thus, the analysis can be classified as a time-series cross-sectional (TSCS; Gerring, 2004).
The analysis begins with an empirical overview of the 2015 European migration crisis, using statistical data to illustrate the scale and the impact of the crisis. Then, the research focuses on cleavage theories, outlining the traditional, the revisionist and the new revisionist perspectives, followed by an examination of cleavages in Austria and Hungary. Subsequently, the study investigates the country-specific impact of immigration and the public perceptions of immigration. Finally, the analysis focuses on political parties' positions and voters' attitudes toward immigration, considering their ideological alignment. The research seeks to contribute to the broader understanding of migration-related conflicts and their potential role in shaping contemporary political conflicts
Collaboration In Anti-Corruption Action: Building A Collaborative Governance Model In Tackling Corruption In Indonesia [védés előtt]
Full text linkCorruption is one of the fundamental problems faced by various countries worldwide. In Asia, Indonesia is one of the countries that still faces challenges regarding corruption. This study aims to analyze to what extent the Indonesian government and Indonesia’s Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) tackle corruption and what the potential is for implementing a collaborative governance model in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative approach, with a case study and data collection through documents and in-depth interviews with key informants. The study finds that the Indonesian government has made various efforts to tackle corruption from the Old Order era to the Post-Reformation era. However, these efforts have not been effectively implemented. Indonesia’s ACA, namely the Corruption Eradication Commission/KPK, has been mandated to contribute to tackling corruption, which provides collaboration opportunities. However, in some cases, the relationship between Indonesia’s ACA and stakeholders is still not synergistic. The collaborative process of tackling corruption in Indonesia is influenced by the factors presented by Ansell and Gash, namely Starting Conditions, Facilitative Leadership, and Institutional Design, as well as several factors specifically found in Indonesia, namely Integrity of Actors, Permissive Culture, Political Interests, and Organizational Culture. The collaborative governance model for tackling corruption in Indonesia was prepared by modifying the model initiated by Ansell and Gash. Indonesia’s potential to tackle corruption can be realized in terms of prevention, prosecution, and revitalizing the national strategy for corruption prevention. There are two expectations in this research. The first expectation is accepted; the level of corruption in Indonesia still cannot be reduced significantly due to the lack of political will from leaders and the many obstacles faced by Indonesia’s anti-corruption agency. The second expectation, partially accepted, is that collaboration is needed to tackle corruption in Indonesia so that the tackling is more effective. The collaborative governance model developed by Ansell & Gash (2008) can have a positive effect on tackling corruption in Indonesia if it can be implemented properly
A nemzetépítés és a regionális identitás kapcsolata az etnikai marketinggel és fogyasztással
Full text linkAz értekezés a székelyföldi magyar kisebbség nemzetépítési folyamatába illeszkedő, gazdasági célú etnikai márkázás és etnikai fogyasztás interdiszciplináris vizsgálatának eredményeit foglalja össze. A kutató a csíkszentsimoni székhelyű Csíki Sör esetére alapozva a lokális és globális (helyi termelés vs. nagytőke), az etnokulturális (székely) és a nacionális (magyar nemzetépítés) hatások kontextusában átalakuló székelyföldi etnikai és regionális identitással, valamint a hozzá fűződő fogyasztással kapcsolatosan fogalmaz meg állításokat.
A kutatás alaptézise, hogy Székelyföldön egy máig le nem zárt és ma is zajló közösségi identitás- és nemzetépítési folyamat zajlik, és ezt a társadalmi folyamatot kifejezetten a székelyföldi etnikai piac színterében vizsgálja. A kutatás két területen jut új eredményekre: a megismerés, a tudományos elemzés, illetve a gyakorlati alkalmazás területén.
a. Új tudományos megközelítése, hogy különböző tudományos koncepciókat összekapcsolva, a granovetteri társadalmi beágyazottság elméletéből kiindulva, a bourdieu-i fogalmakat (tőketípusok) és folyamatokat (tőke-konverzió) kiterjeszti egy nagyobb etnokulturális (a székely) közösségre.
b. A székelyföldi etnikai piacról készít egy általános és hiánypótló leírást, azzal a következtetéssel, hogy a piac működésében a gazdasági imázsteremtés és az etnikai identitásépítés egymást segítő és egymásba fonódó folyamatok. Ebben a piaci színtérben a térség történelme, mítoszai, legendái, néprajzi tudása gazdasági erőforrásokká válnak.
c. Megállapítja, hogy a Székelyföld-kép formálásában aktívan részt vevő szereplők szerint az etnikai vállalkozók veszélyeztetik a kultúrértelmiségiek és értelemszerűen a politikum monopóliumát, befolyásolva a nemzetépítés eszközeit és elveit, akár a történeti hagyaték, a néprajzi örökség sorsát. A Csíki Sör tevékenységéről az interjúkra alapozva azt állítja, hogy reklámjai által a kanonizált székely hagyaték az árusítás eszközévé válik, a székely közösség jelképeit öncélúan és az eredeti kontextusához nem méltó módon használja.
d. Kutatói értelmezés, hogy a Csíki Sör egy olyan kapitalista vállalkozás, mely a felfelé ívelő etnikai és nemzeti diskurzust használja, termékét a regionális kultúra és az identitás segítségével dobja piacra, egy olyan kontextusban, amikor ezeknek egy erős (nemzetpolitikai és gazdasági) felhajtóerejük van. A saját tevékenységét egy globálissal szemben álló lokális és szubnacionális, a deterritorizációval szemben egy regionális, reterritorizációs diszkurzív keretben helyezi el.
e. A kutatás új eredménye annak kimutatása, hogy vásárlói döntéskor (a sörre vonatkozóan) jelen van az etnikai vonatkozás. A székely identitás erőssége, fontosságának mértéke mind lokálisan, mind egy szegmentáltabb székelyföldi körben is kimutathatóan összefüggésben van a Csíki Sör fogyasztásával. A fogyasztói recepciók és interpretációk értelmében a helyi kezdeményezés diskurzusai egy társadalmi igénnyel fonódnak össze. Az identitáspolitikák megerősödésének folyamatában (az új magyar nemzetépítés részeként, valamint a regionális törekvéseket elutasító román politikával szemben) a Csíki Sör mint par excellence nemzeti termék politikai és gazdasági eszközként is funkcionál, egyszóval egyfajta patriotizmust jelenít meg. A kulturális és társadalmi tőke megkönnyíti a gazdasági tevékenységet, az etnikai csoporttudat és a nemzeti eszme konkrét gazdasági erőforrásként hasznosítható.
f. A kutató álláspontja, hogy az önmagát nemzetiként definiáló cég etnikai marketingkommunikációja egy modernista válasz a gazdasági tőke működésére (vagy annak hiányára) és a kisebbségi lét megélésére. A székelyföldi társadalmi jelenség sajátossága a nemzetközi példákhoz képest, hogy a körforgásban lévő toposzok, az aktuális nemzetépítési folyamatok megértéséhez elengedhetetlenül szükséges a régió sajátos történetének és az ebből táplálkozó érzelmi töltetnek a mélyfúrású megértése.
g. A disszertáció gyakorlati eredménye az etnikai piac szabályozására vonatkozó javaslattétel, mely a kutatás eredményeinek a jövőbeli gyakorlati hasznosíthatóságát teszi lehetővé, és egyben a szociokulturális antropológiának az üzleti világban történő alkalmazását, melyre itthon ezidáig (az elmúlt években ezt célzó kezdeményezések elindultak) még nem született áttörő jó mint
Digitalization, Marketization and Authoritarianism in Ethiopia: Towards New Political Economy of Power [védés előtt]
Full text linkThe dissertation demonstrates that in Ethiopia, digitalization and marketization are integral mechanisms reinforcing authoritarian resilience rather than harbingers of democratic progress. The findings reveal how digital connectivity and economic liberalization have commodified not only labor and land but also information and behavior. As the state aggressively promotes market-oriented reforms and technological modernization, commodification of information continues to subordinate society to market and surveillance logic without social safeguards, enhancing authoritarian consolidation, blocking democratic prospects.
As the macro-level analysis indicated, the strong negative relationship between trade openness, capital formation, and mobile subscription with democracy scores suggests how economic liberalization and digitalization serve as a vector for authoritarian durability, not democratic transition. The inverse association between mobile connectivity, security sector spending, and democratic outcomes reflects the regime’s constant incentive to prevent dissent and preserve the appearance of order. As noted in Xu’s informational theory of co-optation and repression, these policies are not reactive but calculated efforts to maintain economic stability and rent extraction by containing unrest through information control and coercion. Although physical force as a tool of repression is often justified by various political rationales such as law and order, the incumbent regime usually evades overt violence to avoid domestic and international criticisms that undermine legitimacy. As Guriev and Treisman’s model of informational autocracy unmasks, the digital state produces tailored narratives, blurs reality through misinformation, and maintains a façade of democracy and responsiveness, especially in rural areas of Ethiopia, where government narratives remain largely uncontested. Hence, Ethiopia’s digital transformation, though framed as developmental, permeates infinite extraction of citizens’ behavioral data through algorithmic surveillance, aligning with Zuboff’s theory of surveillance capitalism.
Moreover, the commodification of digital behavior enables predictive control, transforming citizens into sources of surveillance value and self-disciplining subjects as articulated via Foucault’s notion of panopticism, where visibility becomes a technique of control. The widespread fear of surveillance and lower perceptions of political freedoms captured in the survey data, particularly among mobile phone users, educated respondents and urban residents, demonstrates how the panoptic gaze of the digital state shapes political behavior through internalized repression, sharpening authoritarian penetration into everyday life rather than empowering citizens. Meanwhile, differential in perceptions of the state of human rights and freedoms, when filtered through structured state propaganda, produces fragmented political consciousness leading to fractionalization of opposition
The Impact of Positive/Negative Fake News on Country Brand Equity [védés előtt]
Full text linkThe stronger capacity of falsehood to diffuse compared with truth motivates research on the effects of fake news on country brand equity, given the distant and intangible nature of this construct. This study integrates valenced framing theory with construal-level theory to investigate how fake news frames influence perceptions of credibility, cognitive image, and ultimately country brand equity. Using a quantitative design, an online survey and the PROCESS macro (v3.5) in SPSS 27 software with the bootstrap sampling method were employed with respondents from Russia (North-West region) and Hungary. Nineteen negative and nineteen positive fake news stories about China were selected from the fact-checking database of Snopes.com to measure framing effects. The findings reveal that fake news frames exert an indirect effect on country brand equity through sequential mediation by news credibility and cognitive image. Negative frames significantly reduce all dimensions of country brand equity, while positive frames do not substantially alter perceptions. Moreover, valenced fake news was found to be more persuasive when proximal rather than distant, and negative frames with concrete information increased believability. These results demonstrate that the interplay between message valence, construal level, and perceived credibility critically shapes the impact of fake news on country brand equity. The study concludes with implications for understanding media influence on national image and directions for future research
Hungary’s peri-urban middle-class – How households without real estate wealth realize social and personal aspirations
Full text linkThe research presented in this paper takes an in-depth look into a specific group within present day Hungarian society: middleincome persons who live in peri-urban, not residentially zoned neighbourhoods. These areas, usually former allotment gardens or recreational zones for second homes, lack the residential infrastructure and amenities – paved roads, street lights, access to shops and services etc. – that make formal, residentially zoned areas convenient for permanent habitation. While this comes with a host of inconveniences for people who decide to permanently move to one of these areas, their obvious appeal is their relative affordability compared to formal residential zones
The Impact of the Party System Under Populism on Civil Society and the Media. – A Temporal Social Network Analysis of Civil Society Media and Mass Media in Post-Communist Hungary (1990–2020)
Full text linkThis dissertation investigates the impact of populism on civil society and media in post-communist Hungary (1990–2020). Using a novel temporal social network analysis (tSNA) approach, it explores how interaction networks among key figures of leading Hungarian civil society and media organisations evolved. The dissertation employs an exploratory case study method, emphasizing purposive sample selection rather than representativeness. Specifically, the research examines the professional, interpersonal networks of editors-in-chief from both civil society media and mass media outlets, providing a comprehensive understanding of how populist strategies have influenced media landscapes. Eight major Hungarian organisations, both civil society media outlets and mass media outlets, were selected based on their influence on Hungarian public life. The career paths of 21 of their editors-in-chief were analysed using tSNA, focusing on their professional interactions from 1990 to 2020. This methodological approach allows for a detailed examination of the formation and dissolution of professional ties and the overall connectedness within the constructed media elite network.
New scientific results
The dissertation reveals several significant findings that contribute to the understanding of populism's impact on civil society and media:
1. Temporal evolution of the network:
the study observes distinct phases in the evolution of the sample media elite network, with increasing cohesion before 2010 followed by rapid disintegration. This temporal shift aligns with changes in Hungarian media laws and the broader political environment, illustrating the direct impact of populist policies on civil society and the media.
2. Media network fragmentation:
contrary to the expectation of increasing centralisation during the party system under populism, the study finds a disintegration within the sample network, particularly among independent and opposition-aligned chief editors. The connectedness of the media elite network sample peaked in the mid-1990s and remained high during the 2000s, but declined sharply post-2010, coinciding with the rise of populism. This fragmentation highlights the challenges faced by non-governmental media in maintaining cohesion and resisting populist strategy, with significant implications for the autonomy and effectiveness of civil society media. While civil society suggests an important strategy for resisting populist pressures, its potential proved to be insufficient in the face of Fidesz’ centrally co-ordinated populist social movement strategy.
3. Actor centralities:
the analysis identifies key actors whose high centrality values reflect their pivotal roles in either supporting or resisting the populist agenda. These findings underscore the strategic importance of individual actors in shaping civil society and mass media responses to political developments.
Overall, this research provides new insights into the complex interplay between populism, media, and civil society in Hungary, offering a detailed analysis of how populist governance strategies have reshaped these areas over three decades. It aligns with earlier scholarship on the subject, but sheds new light on the subject matter: it emphasises the importance of civil society and media strategies vis-à-vis populist party system developments rather than focusing directly on populist behaviours themselves.
Besides these empirical insights, the dissertation also makes a few important but limited theoretical contributions in three main areas. First, with regards to populism studies, it supports the case for the strategic conceptualisation of the phenomenon. Second, it further demonstrates how social network analysis can lead to important contributions in political economy. Third, it also showcases the potential of the relationalist epistemic school of thought to produce not only empirical research results, but also actionable insights, leading to better practical strategies and policies for the public good
Post-Migration Living Difficulties of Returned Women in Kyrgyzstan
Full text linkMigration has long been a defining feature of life in Kyrgyzstan, especially since its independence following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Over the past three decades, economic hardship, political instability, and limited employment opportunities have driven hundreds of thousands of Kyrgyz citizens to seek work abroad, particularly in Russia. While the topic of outward migration has received considerable academic attention, the phenomenon of return migration, especially among women, remains vastly underexplored (Thieme, 2014; Tukubasheva & Purdilova, 2023; Abashin, 2017).
This dissertation addresses a critical gap in the literature by focusing on Kyrgyz female labor migrants who have returned from Russia, with specific attention to the socio-economic, cultural, and psychological difficulties they face during reintegration. It draws on extensive field research conducted with women from the Chui and Batken regions and employs a conceptual framework grounded in Post-Migration Living Difficulties (PMLD) and vulnerability theory, analyzed through a feminist perspective (Silove et al., 1997; Spini et al., 2013; Nawyn, 2010). This multi-theoretical approach enables a nuanced understanding of gendered return migration in Kyrgyzstan
Co-constructed Pretensive Realities in Organizations: Roleplaying and Other Action Methods in Human Resource Development
Full text linkThis dissertation investigates the role of roleplaying and other pretensive action methods, including gaming simulations, applied roleplaying games, and psychodrama in organizational contexts, with a particular focus on their application in human resource development (HRD) and learning and development (L&D). Although roleplaying once held a central position in management and organizational research, its academic presence has diminished despite its continued practical relevance. Drawing on an interdisciplinary framework that integrates management education, game and play studies, and design sciences, the study addresses this gap by clarifying conceptual foundations and examining how pretensive methods contribute to experiential learning, leadership development, and organizational change.
The dissertation is structured around three interconnected papers. The first explores the educational value of gaming simulations and leisure games, culminating in an evaluative framework of thirteen criteria for assessing pretensive methods. The second presents a multiple case study of leadership development live-action roleplaying games (larps), identifying thirteen design dimensions, formulating eleven practical recommendations, and situating larps as legitimate HRD interventions. The third applies psychodramatic techniques to investigate organizational adoption of generative AI, demonstrating the diagnostic potential of role reversal and monodrama techniques for uncovering hidden assumptions and emotional dynamics in technology acceptance.
Through literature reviews, case studies, and methodological innovation, the dissertation consolidates fragmented research traditions, reframes informal, leisure-derived activities as serious organizational tools, and advances both theoretical and practical understanding of pretensive action methods. While not claiming broad empirical generalizability, it provides a strong conceptual and methodological platform for future scholarship, offering trainers, consultants, and HR professionals new ways to design, evaluate, and facilitate experiential learning interventions