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    Herzogtum Lauenburg bis 1876

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    Die vorliegende Beständeübersicht ist eine Bestandsaufnahme zum 150-jährigen Bestehen des Landesarchivs Schleswig-Holstein, das 1870 als preußisches Staatsarchiv Schleswig gegründet wurde. Diese Übersicht ist die erste gedruckte, die Erläuterungen zu allen einzelnen Beständen enthält und so die Orientierung für die Benutzerinnen und Benutzer des Landesarchivs erleichtert. Man kann sich lesend und blätternd einen Eindruck von der hiesigen Überlieferung zur Landesgeschichte verschaffen und so manches entdecken, was noch nicht erforscht worden ist. Kompakt und übersichtlich führt das Buch die Leserinnen und Leser durch die umfangreichen Bestände - würde man alle Unterlagen in eine Reihe legen, ergäbe es eine Strecke von etwa fünfzigtausend laufenden Metern.This overview of holdings is an inventory to mark the 150th anniversary of the Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein, which was founded in 1870 as the Prussian Staatsarchiv Schleswig. This overview is the first printed overview that contains explanations of all individual holdings and thus facilitates orientation for the users of the Landesarchiv. Reading and leafing through the book, one can get an impression of the local records on regional history and discover many things that have not yet been researched. The book guides the reader through the extensive holdings in a compact and clear manner - if one were to put all the documents in one row, it would result in a distance of about fifty thousand linear metres

    Karten und Bilder

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    Die vorliegende Beständeübersicht ist eine Bestandsaufnahme zum 150-jährigen Bestehen des Landesarchivs Schleswig-Holstein, das 1870 als preußisches Staatsarchiv Schleswig gegründet wurde. Diese Übersicht ist die erste gedruckte, die Erläuterungen zu allen einzelnen Beständen enthält und so die Orientierung für die Benutzerinnen und Benutzer des Landesarchivs erleichtert. Man kann sich lesend und blätternd einen Eindruck von der hiesigen Überlieferung zur Landesgeschichte verschaffen und so manches entdecken, was noch nicht erforscht worden ist. Kompakt und übersichtlich führt das Buch die Leserinnen und Leser durch die umfangreichen Bestände - würde man alle Unterlagen in eine Reihe legen, ergäbe es eine Strecke von etwa fünfzigtausend laufenden Metern.This overview of holdings is an inventory to mark the 150th anniversary of the Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein, which was founded in 1870 as the Prussian Staatsarchiv Schleswig. This overview is the first printed overview that contains explanations of all individual holdings and thus facilitates orientation for the users of the Landesarchiv. Reading and leafing through the book, one can get an impression of the local records on regional history and discover many things that have not yet been researched. The book guides the reader through the extensive holdings in a compact and clear manner - if one were to put all the documents in one row, it would result in a distance of about fifty thousand linear metres

    Agency – Memory – Community: der Kranz in Festszenen auf attischer Keramik

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    Gegenstand dieser Untersuchung bilden Darstellungen bekränzter Figuren auf attischer Keramik, die durch ausgewiesene Bildelemente den Ritualkontexten der Feste zu Ehren von Gottheiten in archaisch-klassischer Zeit zuzuordnen sind. Ziel der Arbeit ist anhand dieser Darstellungen die Bedeutung des Kranzes im Aktionsbereich der Götterfeste aufzuzeigen. Da mithilfe der verschiedenen Kranzdarstellungen Festkontexte ermittelt werden können, bildet die botanische Bestimmung der verschiedenen Blattarten einen Schwerpunkt. Darüber hinaus werden die symbolische Bedeutung des Kranzes sowie die Wahrnehmungsprozesse von Betrachtenden ritualisierter Handlungen herausgearbeitet. Im Zuge dessen eröffnet die Untersuchung durch die Verbindung verschiedener methodischer Ansätze sowie die Kombination interdisziplinärer Inhalte neue Perspektiven und regt zu weiteren Forschungsmöglichkeiten an.This study deals with representations of wreathed figures on Attic pottery which can be assigned to the ritual contexts of the festivities in honour of deities in archaic-classical times by means of proven pictorial elements. The aim of the work is to show the significance of the wreath in the sphere of action of the festivals of the gods. One of the priorities is the botanical determination of the different types of leaves because the different wreath representations can be used to determine fixed contexts. Furthermore, the symbolic meaning of the wreath as well as the perception processes of observers of ritualised actions are worked out. The investigation opens up new perspectives by combining different methodological approaches and interdisciplinary contents: it also encourages further research possibilities

    Disrupting the knowledge-power politics of human mobility in the context of climate change

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    Established categories used to describe different kinds of human mobility, based on a distinction between forced and more-or-less voluntary forms of movement, dominate the discourse on human mobility in the context of climate change. In particular, the phrase “displacement, migration and planned relocation” anchored in the Cancun Adaptation Framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has become prominent. Despite being portrayed as objective representations of the world, these categories are not neutral, with terminology being value-laden and taking on different connotations in different contexts. The categories used to describe human mobility in the context of climate change therefore do not necessarily impart knowledge about the realities of human mobilities, but rather say more about the speakers using these categories. This essay provides an impulse to look beyond established categories from policymaking, to strengthen critique of these categories in academic work, and to move beyond policy-relevant research.Established categories used to describe different kinds of human mobility, based on a distinction between forced and more-or-less voluntary forms of movement, dominate the discourse on human mobility in the context of climate change. In particular, the phrase “displacement, migration and planned relocation” anchored in the Cancun Adaptation Framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has become prominent. Despite being portrayed as objective representations of the world, these categories are not neutral, with terminology being value-laden and taking on different connotations in different contexts. The categories used to describe human mobility in the context of climate change therefore do not necessarily impart knowledge about the realities of human mobilities, but rather say more about the speakers using these categories. This essay provides an impulse to look beyond established categories from policymaking, to strengthen critique of these categories in academic work, and to move beyond policy-relevant research

    Explaining the diversity of resilience in the climate change and security discourse

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    The concept of resilience has taken the hearts of Western practitioners and decision makers in development, environmental, or security policy by storm – or so it seems. In the looming “climate of complexity” produced by unfolding global warming, the idea of resilience, as the ability of systems and communities to autonomously recover after shocks and to adapt to changing environmental conditions, appears promising. Yet, different versions of resilience co-exist and compete with each other in diverse political arenas and fields of practice. As a result, resilience resists any conceptual fixation – making it hard for policy-makers and practitioners to agree upon a common definition of resilience. This essay seeks to explain the diversity of resilience by looking at processes of its “translation”. The translation of resilience here refers to both the transfer of the concept from one discursive field to another as well as the adoption and reinterpretation of resilience through actors in concrete resilience projects on the ground.The concept of resilience has taken the hearts of Western practitioners and decision makers in development, environmental, or security policy by storm – or so it seems. In the looming “climate of complexity” produced by unfolding global warming, the idea of resilience, as the ability of systems and communities to autonomously recover after shocks and to adapt to changing environmental conditions, appears promising. Yet, different versions of resilience co-exist and compete with each other in diverse political arenas and fields of practice. As a result, resilience resists any conceptual fixation – making it hard for policy-makers and practitioners to agree upon a common definition of resilience. This essay seeks to explain the diversity of resilience by looking at processes of its “translation”. The translation of resilience here refers to both the transfer of the concept from one discursive field to another as well as the adoption and reinterpretation of resilience through actors in concrete resilience projects on the ground

    The Anthropocene: an opportunity for transdisciplinary and inclusive science?

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    The informal understanding of the Anthropocene has sparked a significant worldwide debate across disciplines, including cultural studies, arts, literature, philosophy, law, sociology, political science, and international relations. Beyond its geological and chronological formalization, the Anthropocene is being discussed as a “new planetary real”, a state shift in the Earth system, where humanity becomes aware of the role of collective human agency as the primary planet-transforming factor, with dramatic ecological, social, and economic implications. As such, the Anthropocene debate offers a unique opportunity to address limitations of established divides between academic communities and of their representativeness in issues involving science and society. Obvious imbalances in terms of disciplinary, ethnic, and gender inclusiveness emerge from the review of the composition of the Anthropocene Working Group, in spite of improvements over its predecessor, the Holocene Working Group. A strong polarization between the Earth and Natural Sciences on one side and the Humanities and Social Sciences on the other also emerges from the analysis of term co-occurrence in scientific publications mentioning the word “Anthropocene”. Based on these findings, we draw some propositions for the development of a transdisciplinary and sustainable anthropocene science, embracing inclusiveness, openness, curiosity, and knowledge sharing.The informal understanding of the Anthropocene has sparked a significant worldwide debate across disciplines, including cultural studies, arts, literature, philosophy, law, sociology, political science, and international relations. Beyond its geological and chronological formalization, the Anthropocene is being discussed as a “new planetary real”, a state shift in the Earth system, where humanity becomes aware of the role of collective human agency as the primary planet-transforming factor, with dramatic ecological, social, and economic implications. As such, the Anthropocene debate offers a unique opportunity to address limitations of established divides between academic communities and of their representativeness in issues involving science and society. Obvious imbalances in terms of disciplinary, ethnic, and gender inclusiveness emerge from the review of the composition of the Anthropocene Working Group, in spite of improvements over its predecessor, the Holocene Working Group. A strong polarization between the Earth and Natural Sciences on one side and the Humanities and Social Sciences on the other also emerges from the analysis of term co-occurrence in scientific publications mentioning the word “Anthropocene”. Based on these findings, we draw some propositions for the development of a transdisciplinary and sustainable anthropocene science, embracing inclusiveness, openness, curiosity, and knowledge sharing

    Climate change and planning for the military

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    A core debate about the consequences of climate change concerns its security-related aspects. Elements of that debate include the expected extent of climate as well as definitions of security. Official documents on national security and defense planning are investigated with respect to these two elements of debate. A content analysis of relevant documents from 38 countries reveals a diverse response by national security establishments to the challenges presented by climate change, which also changes over time. Seven potential roles for armed forces in response to climate change are identified and quantified for the selected documents. A predominant expectation is a greater demand for disaster relief by armed forces. However, there are also governments which expect an increase in traditional security threats, as well as governments who do not foresee any security challenge resulting from climate change. A core debate about the consequences of climate change concerns its security-related aspects. Elements of that debate include the expected extent of climate as well as definitions of security. Official documents on national security and defense planning are investigated with respect to these two elements of debate. A content analysis of relevant documents from 38 countries reveals a diverse response by national security establishments to the challenges presented by climate change, which also changes over time. Seven potential roles for armed forces in response to climate change are identified and quantified for the selected documents. A predominant expectation is a greater demand for disaster relief by armed forces. However, there are also governments which expect an increase in traditional security threats, as well as governments who do not foresee any security challenge resulting from climate change.&nbsp

    Climate Change, Security Risks, and Violent Conflicts

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    Research on security-related aspects of climate change is an important element of climate change impact assessments. Hamburg has become a globally recognized center of pertinent analysis of the climate-conflict-nexus. The essays in this collection present a sample of the research conducted from 2009 to 2018 within an interdisciplinary cooperation of experts from Universität Hamburg and other institutions in Hamburg related to the research group “Climate Change and Security” (CLISEC). This collection of critical assessments covers a broad understanding of security, ranging from the question of climate change as a cause of violent conflict to conditions of human security in the Anthropocene. The in-depth analyses utilize a wide array of methodological approaches, from agent-based modeling to discourse analysis

    Findbuch des Bestandes Abt. 11

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    Die Kanzlei wurde als oberste Justiz- und Verwaltungsbehörde für den königlichen Anteil von Schleswig und Holstein 1648 in Flensburg errichtet und 1649 nach Glückstadt verlegt. Ihre Zuständigkeit war seit 1713 auf Holstein beschränkt und wurde 1734 auf die Grafschaft Rantzau, 1762 auf die plönischen und 1774 auf die gottorfischen Lande ausgedehnt. Zugleich ersetzte man die Bezeichnung "Glückstädtische Regierung" durch "Holsteinische Landesregierung zu Glückstadt und Holsteinisches Oberkonsistorium". Die vorher formell unterschiedlichen besonderen Gerichte - Justizkanzlei, Oberamtsgericht, Pinnebergisches-, Altonaisches-, Rantzauisches Oberappellationsgericht - wurden 1806 als "Holsteinisches Obergericht" zusammengefasst. Seit 1816 hieß es "Holstein-Lauenburgisches Obergericht". Als 1834 in der mittleren Instanz Justiz und Verwaltung getrennt wurden, ging die Verwaltung an die Schleswig-Holsteinische Regierung auf Gottorf über; das Obergericht bestand als reine Justizbehörde fort. Bei der Trennung von Justiz und Verwaltung im Jahr 1834 wurden die Akten geteilt. Die in Glückstadt verbliebenen Justizakten sind später größtenteils vernichtet worden, die Verwaltungsakten blieben erhalten und bilden den Kern des im Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein verwahrten Bestandes

    Kanzleiarchiv

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    Die Kanzlei wurde als oberste Justiz- und Verwaltungsbehörde für den königlichen Anteil von Schleswig und Holstein 1648 in Flensburg errichtet und 1649 nach Glückstadt verlegt. Ihre Zuständigkeit war seit 1713 auf Holstein beschränkt und wurde 1734 auf die Grafschaft Rantzau, 1762 auf die plönischen und 1774 auf die gottorfischen Lande ausgedehnt. Zugleich ersetzte man die Bezeichnung "Glückstädtische Regierung" durch "Holsteinische Landesregierung zu Glückstadt und Holsteinisches Oberkonsistorium". Die vorher formell unterschiedlichen besonderen Gerichte - Justizkanzlei, Oberamtsgericht, Pinnebergisches-, Altonaisches-, Rantzauisches Oberappellationsgericht - wurden 1806 als "Holsteinisches Obergericht" zusammengefasst. Seit 1816 hieß es "Holstein-Lauenburgisches Obergericht". Als 1834 in der mittleren Instanz Justiz und Verwaltung getrennt wurden, ging die Verwaltung an die Schleswig-Holsteinische Regierung auf Gottorf über; das Obergericht bestand als reine Justizbehörde fort. Bei der Trennung von Justiz und Verwaltung im Jahr 1834 wurden die Akten geteilt. Die in Glückstadt verbliebenen Justizakten sind später größtenteils vernichtet worden, die Verwaltungsakten blieben erhalten und bilden den Kern des im Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein verwahrten Bestandes

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