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Lakote in pomanjkanje: slovenski primer
No full textProblematiko pomanjkanja prehrane v tujini že več let znanstveno-raziskovalno obravnavajo različne humanistične in družboslovne stroke. Zgodovinopisne študije so usmerjene v historični prikaz ter analizo različnih plati in intenzivnosti pomanjkanja in lakote. S tem odstirajo tudi možnosti obdelave tega aktualnega vprašanja v sedanjosti in nakazujejo potencialne smeri razvoja v prihodnosti.
Znanstvena monografija Lakote in pomanjkanje: slovenski primer, ki je z medinstitucionalnim in mednarodnim sodelovanjem nastala v okviru raziskovalnega programa Podobe gospodarske in socialne modernizacije na Slovenskem v 19. in 20. stoletju – ta pod vodstvom dr. Žarka Lazarevića poteka na Inštitutu za novejšo zgodovino – se postavlja ob bok inozemskim raziskavam. Presega namreč dosedanjo v večini parcialno raziskovanje te tematike, saj se loteva celostne obravnave različnih vprašanj prehrane, vzorcev in strategij ter praks prehranjevanja, pomanjkanj in latentnih ter cikličnih lakot v slovenski perspektivi podeželja in mest od 16. stoletja do danes. Naniza tako obče kot tudi lokalne, skupinske in individualne, teoretične ter praktične izkušnje in jih umesti v širšo družbeno, ekonomsko in socialno dinamiko slovenskega etničnega prostora
Slovenska industrija od nastanka do danes
No full textThe monograph Slovenska industrija od nastanka do danes (Slovenian Industry from Its Beginnings until Today) represents a logical upgrade and synthesis of the research work completed to date by both authors, as well as an expansion of the time frame that they have focused on. The transformation of the Slovenian society from an agrarian into an industrial and post-industrial one was a long process. Companies would be established; their ownership would change; some of them grew; while others went under. The wish to prevent numerous companies and trademarks that we were once proud of from being forgotten was one of the reasons that motivated the creation of the present work. The first part of the monograph sheds light on the economic- historical overview. It reaches back to the 1830s, when industrial development finally began in the Slovenian provinces and then grew into a kind of a “mini” industrial revolution with the mass production of different goods at the end of the century, after the demise of the classic crafts. This is followed by the outline of the individual periods until the independent Slovenia, with an emphasis on the most important companies and entrepreneurs. The economic circumstances during World War I and World War II, as well as the situation on the other side of the Rapallo border in the Italian state in the interwar period, are presented, along with the description of the industrialisation period in the Habsburg Monarchy; the description of the economic expansion during the first Yugoslav state, when the Slovenian territory suddenly transformed from an economic periphery into the most developed part of the new Yugoslav state; and the analysis of the period after World War II. The analysis of the period following the attainment of Slovenian independence is especially detailed. The title of Zvezdan Martič’s documentary Kam so vse tovarne šle (Where have All the Factories Gone) gives a particularly meaningful description of the period after 1990, or the so-called transitional period. The list of factories that ended up in ruins at the end of the 1980s and after 1990 is very long. Prevent, Rog, TAM, Metalna, TVT Bo511 ris Kidrič, Mura, Tovarna sladkorja Ormož, Toper, Iskra Delta, Iskra, Tobačna Ljubljana and Industrija usnja Vrhnika (IUV) are just some of them. The reasons for such a destiny are numerous. The transition into a new socio-political and economic system was an extremely complex process, which is to be understood in a wider context of developments.Monografija Slovenska industrija od nastanka do danes je logična nadgradnja in sinteza pa tudi časovna razširitev dosedanjega raziskovalnega dela obeh avtorjev. Spreminjanje slovenske družbe iz agrarne v industrijsko in postindustrijsko je bil dolg proces. Podjetja so nastajala, se lastniško spreminjala, rasla in številna tudi propadla. Tudi zato, da številna podjetja in blagovne znamke, ki so nam bila v ponos, ne utonejo v pozabo, odločitev in motivacija za nastanek pričujočega dela. Prvi del monografije osvetli gospodarsko-zgodovinski pregled. Časovno sega v obdobje tridesetih let 19. stoletja, ko se je začelo živahno ustanavljanje industrijskih obratov, ki je ob koncu stoletja po propadu klasičnih obrti preraslo v nekakšno »mini« industrijsko revolucijo z množično proizvodnjo različnih izdelkov. Sledi prikaz posameznih obdobij do samostojne Slovenije, v katerem so izpostavljeni najpomembnejša podjetja in podjetniki. Ob predstavitvi časa industrializacije v habsburški monarhiji, opisu gospodarskega razmaha v času prve jugoslovanske države, ko se slovensko ozemlje nenadoma prelevi iz gospodarsko perifernega območja v gospodarsko najrazvitejši del nove jugoslovanske države, in nato analizi časa po drugi svetovni vojni so predstavljene tudi gospodarske razmere med prvo in drugo svetovno vojno kot tudi razmere onkraj rapalske meje v italijanski državi v času med obema svetovnima vojnama. Obdobje po osamosvojitvi Slovenije je opisano še posebej analitično. Obdobje po letu 1990 oziroma t. i. tranzicijsko obdobje še posebej pomenljivo oriše naslov dokumentarnega filma Zvezdana Martiča, Kam so vse tovarne šle. Seznam tovarn, ki so propadle konec osemdesetih let minulega stoletja in po letu 1990, je zelo dolg. Prevent, Rog, TAM, Metalna, TVT Boris Kidrič, Mura, Tovarna sladkorja Ormož, Toper, Iskra Delta, Iskra, Tobačna Ljubljana in Industrija usnja Vrhnika (IUV) so le del seznama. Vzrokov za takšno usodo je veliko, tranzicija oziroma prehod v nov družbenopolitični in ekonomski sistem je bil izjemno kompleksen proces, ki ga je potrebno razumeti tudi v kontekstu širšega dogajanja
"Kam ploveš standard?": življenjska raven in socializem
No full textThe standard of living in the Slovenian population gradually improved from the first decade after the World War II until the end of the 1970s, both in terms of material livelihood of an individual and families and social welfare. The socio-economic status, financial situation and the economic and social security of a Slovenian household, regardless of its type (i.e. agricultural, mixed and non-agricultural) were getting better. The tendency of the socialist socio-economic system towards a full employment and continuity of work provided people with a high degree of social security. The employment status allowed the population to enjoy more social rights and, at the same time, provided the financial ability to meet their needs, i.e. to cover their living expenses.Življenjska raven slovenskega prebivalstva se je od prvega desetletja po drugi svetovni vojni tako z vidika materialne eksistenčne osnove posameznika in družine kot tudi z vidika družbene blaginje postopoma izboljševala do izteka sedemdesetih let preteklega stoletja. Socialno‑ekonomski položaj, tako premoženje kot ekonomska in socialna varnost slovenskih gospodinjstev vseh tipov (kmečkih, mešanih in nekmečkih), se je dvigal. Ciljna usmerjenost socialističnega družbenoekonomskega sistema k polni zaposlenosti in stalnosti dela je ljudem omogočila visoko stopnjo socialne varnosti. Iz zaposlitvenega statusa si je prebivalstvo zagotavljalo večji del socialnih pravic in hkrati je iz njega izhajala njihova finančna sposobnost zadovoljiti svoje potrebe oziroma pokriti stroške življenja. Dinamika zadovoljevanja človekovih potreb z materialnimi in nematerialnimi dobrinami ter storitvami družbenih služb se je odvijala v razmerah samoupravnega socializma, za katerega je bila značilna nestabilnost. Ta se je odražala tudi v glavnih prvinah življenjske ravni tako z vidika materialne kot družbene blaginje. Življenjska raven slovenskega prebivalstva s svojimi elementarnimi sestavinami je do izteka sedemdesetih let z nihanji naraščala, s poglabljanjem vsesplošne krize v državi v osemdesetih letih pa se je začela poslabševati. Do konca sedemdesetih let so z nihanji naraščali osebni dohodki in sta se povečevali tudi kupna moč prebivalstva in osebna potrošnja; izboljševala se je družbena blaginja. V osemdesetih letih pa so se v pogojih vse globlje krize vsi dejavniki oblikovanja življenjske ravni poslabševali. Vir: JA
The 20th Century Through Historiographies and Textbooks: Chapters From Japan, East Asia, Slovenia and Southeast Europe
No full textThis volume is a product of the four workshops we conducted as part of the Second Bilateral Joint Research Projects between Slovenia and Japan, which took place in Ljubljana and Tokyo from 2014 to 2016 with the financial support of the Slovenian Research Agency and Japan Society for Promotion of Science (JSPS). Our joint research was given the title “A Comparative Analysis of the 20th Century in Slovenia and Japan through Historiography and History Textbooks”
Slovenski begunci v taboriščih v Italiji : 1945-1949
No full textAfter World War II, in May 1945, more than 20,000 Slovenians left their country, among them almost 12,000 members of the Home Guard who would be sent back only two months later and killed. Meanwhile, a lot of the Slovenian economic, cultural, political, and educational elite left as well. After the war, six thousand Slovenian refugees remained in the camps in the Austrian Carinthia, while several thousand Slovenians ended up in the Italian camps. However, unlike the camps in Austria, where almost all of the Slovenian refugees were assigned to only four and later even three camps, the Slovenians in Italy were sent to many different camps and were relocated often during the years they spent there. For precisely this reason it is all the more difficult to ascertain how many Slovenians in fact spent the post-war years in the Italian camps. The imprecision of the camp resident list was also contributed to by the fact that practically in all of the Italian camps, Slovenians were registered as »Yugoslavs«, together with the members of the other nations who had arrived from Yugoslavia; while in Carinthia, the Slovenian refugees were consistently registered according to their nationality. The documents of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration – the UNRRA, which was in charge of the camps located in the Italian Peninsula for a while – rarely mention Slovenians explicitly. The central »Slovenian camp« – if we may refer to it as such because this was where the largest group of Slovenians had gathered – was located in Servigliano and later in Senigallia. The number of the Slovenian refugees here is comparatively easy to determine, as we can in this case, at least to a certain degree, resort to the reports on the elections for the Slovenian camp committees; to the vow to Mother Mary, made by almost all Slovenian refugees in Italy in case they should return home happily; or to the individual letters of the Allied administrations. Meanwhile, quite a few Slovenians sought refuge in Rome to get away from the communist authorities at home. Due to all of the above, the number of Slovenians that in fact ended up in the Italian camps can only be 437 approximated. In his book »Salezijanci med begunci” (Salesians among Refugees), Bogdan Kolar states that their number was around five thousand. He bases this estimate on the information provided in their articles by Marijan Marolt and Milica Strgar. In his article »Slovensko šolstvo v begunskih taboriščih v Avstriji in Italiji od 1945 do 1949” (Slovenian Education in the Refugee Camps in Austria and Italy between 1945 and 1949), Janez Arnež states that, according to his own calculations, the Italian camps housed around 4,500 Slovenian refugees. The actual number that can be ascertained from the information available must have been between four and five thousand refugees.Po drugi svetovni vojni, maja 1945, je Slovenijo zapustilo prek dvajset tisoč Slovencev, med njimi skoraj dvanajst tisoč domobrancev, ki so bili le dva meseca kasneje vrnjeni in pomorjeni, v veliki meri pa je odšla tudi slovenska gospodarska, kulturna, politična in prosvetna elita. V taboriščih na Koroškem je ostalo šest tisoč slovenskih beguncev, več tisoč Slovencev pa se je po vojni znašlo v taboriščih v Italiji. Toda v primerjavi s tistimi v Avstriji, kjer so bili skoraj vsi Slovenci naseljeni v štirih, kasneje pa celo v treh taboriščih, so bili slovenski begunci v Italiji poslani v številna taborišča, v letih, ki so jih preživeli tam, pa so jih pogosto selili. Prav zaradi tega je težje ugotoviti, koliko Slovencev je pravzaprav povojna leta preživelo v taboriščih v Italiji. K manj natančnemu popisu taboriščnikov prispeva tudi dejstvo, da so Slovence, skupaj s pripadniki drugih narodov, ki so prišli iz Jugoslavije, praktično v vseh taboriščih v Italiji vodili skoraj izključno pod oznako \u27Jugoslovani’, medtem ko so na Koroškem slovenske taboriščnike dosledno vodili po narodnosti. Le redko najdemo v dokumentih Unrre, organizacije, ki je nekaj časa skrbela za taborišča na Apeninskem polotoku, da bi bili Slovenci izrecno omenjeni. Še največ sreče imamo pri določanju števila taboriščnikov v osrednjem \u27slovenskem taborišču’, v Serviglianu in kasneje v Senigaliji, če lahko tako poimenujemo taborišči, kjer se je zbrala največja skupina Slovencev. Tam si namreč lahko vsaj nekoliko pomagamo s poročili o volitvah v slovenske taboriščne odbore, z zaobljubo, ki so jo slovenski begunci v Italiji namenili Mariji, če se srečno vrnejo domov, in so jo podpisali skoraj vsi begunci, ali pa s posameznimi dopisi zavezniških uprav
Slovenski begunci v taboriščih v Italiji : 1945-1949
No full textAfter World War II, in May 1945, more than 20,000 Slovenians left their country, among them almost 12,000 members of the Home Guard who would be sent back only two months later and killed. Meanwhile, a lot of the Slovenian economic, cultural, political, and educational elite left as well. After the war, six thousand Slovenian refugees remained in the camps in the Austrian Carinthia, while several thousand Slovenians ended up in the Italian camps. However, unlike the camps in Austria, where almost all of the Slovenian refugees were assigned to only four and later even three camps, the Slovenians in Italy were sent to many different camps and were relocated often during the years they spent there. For precisely this reason it is all the more difficult to ascertain how many Slovenians in fact spent the post-war years in the Italian camps. The imprecision of the camp resident list was also contributed to by the fact that practically in all of the Italian camps, Slovenians were registered as »Yugoslavs«, together with the members of the other nations who had arrived from Yugoslavia; while in Carinthia, the Slovenian refugees were consistently registered according to their nationality. The documents of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration – the UNRRA, which was in charge of the camps located in the Italian Peninsula for a while – rarely mention Slovenians explicitly. The central »Slovenian camp« – if we may refer to it as such because this was where the largest group of Slovenians had gathered – was located in Servigliano and later in Senigallia. The number of the Slovenian refugees here is comparatively easy to determine, as we can in this case, at least to a certain degree, resort to the reports on the elections for the Slovenian camp committees; to the vow to Mother Mary, made by almost all Slovenian refugees in Italy in case they should return home happily; or to the individual letters of the Allied administrations. Meanwhile, quite a few Slovenians sought refuge in Rome to get away from the communist authorities at home. Due to all of the above, the number of Slovenians that in fact ended up in the Italian camps can only be 437 approximated. In his book »Salezijanci med begunci” (Salesians among Refugees), Bogdan Kolar states that their number was around five thousand. He bases this estimate on the information provided in their articles by Marijan Marolt and Milica Strgar. In his article »Slovensko šolstvo v begunskih taboriščih v Avstriji in Italiji od 1945 do 1949” (Slovenian Education in the Refugee Camps in Austria and Italy between 1945 and 1949), Janez Arnež states that, according to his own calculations, the Italian camps housed around 4,500 Slovenian refugees. The actual number that can be ascertained from the information available must have been between four and five thousand refugees.Po drugi svetovni vojni, maja 1945, je Slovenijo zapustilo prek dvajset tisoč Slovencev, med njimi skoraj dvanajst tisoč domobrancev, ki so bili le dva meseca kasneje vrnjeni in pomorjeni, v veliki meri pa je odšla tudi slovenska gospodarska, kulturna, politična in prosvetna elita. V taboriščih na Koroškem je ostalo šest tisoč slovenskih beguncev, več tisoč Slovencev pa se je po vojni znašlo v taboriščih v Italiji. Toda v primerjavi s tistimi v Avstriji, kjer so bili skoraj vsi Slovenci naseljeni v štirih, kasneje pa celo v treh taboriščih, so bili slovenski begunci v Italiji poslani v številna taborišča, v letih, ki so jih preživeli tam, pa so jih pogosto selili. Prav zaradi tega je težje ugotoviti, koliko Slovencev je pravzaprav povojna leta preživelo v taboriščih v Italiji. K manj natančnemu popisu taboriščnikov prispeva tudi dejstvo, da so Slovence, skupaj s pripadniki drugih narodov, ki so prišli iz Jugoslavije, praktično v vseh taboriščih v Italiji vodili skoraj izključno pod oznako \u27Jugoslovani’, medtem ko so na Koroškem slovenske taboriščnike dosledno vodili po narodnosti. Le redko najdemo v dokumentih Unrre, organizacije, ki je nekaj časa skrbela za taborišča na Apeninskem polotoku, da bi bili Slovenci izrecno omenjeni. Še največ sreče imamo pri določanju števila taboriščnikov v osrednjem \u27slovenskem taborišču’, v Serviglianu in kasneje v Senigaliji, če lahko tako poimenujemo taborišči, kjer se je zbrala največja skupina Slovencev. Tam si namreč lahko vsaj nekoliko pomagamo s poročili o volitvah v slovenske taboriščne odbore, z zaobljubo, ki so jo slovenski begunci v Italiji namenili Mariji, če se srečno vrnejo domov, in so jo podpisali skoraj vsi begunci, ali pa s posameznimi dopisi zavezniških uprav
Za blagor mater in otrok: Zaščita mater in otrok v letih 1919–1941
No full textDespite its financial problems, other difficulties, and criticism, the administrative unit and subsequently the Banate Administration strived to ensure the best possible health and social protection of mothers and children. Mothers had a range of social and health institutions that provided childcare aid at their disposal. Still, most mothers would refrain from taking advantage of these options or turned to these institutions only when it was already too late. Not even half of the mothers made regular use of the maternity counselling services that played the central role in promoting hygiene, infant and child nursing. The conviction that these activities were profoundly important for prevention had obviously not yet asserted itself broadly until the 1920s and 1930s. Progress was especially slow in the countryside. The traditional frame of mind, unfamiliar with the principles of preventive medicine, probably contributed to this. However, we should also take into account that peasant mothers were far too busy with household and agricultural chores. The observation of Dr Bogo Dragaš, Head of the state Institute for the Protection of Mothers and Children, regarding the visits to the infant counselling services is very interesting. Mothers would often attend counselling only for as long as they kept receiving support. Allegedly this was most noticeable in the consultation rooms of medical insurance funds. Until the mothers kept receiving aid in the form of laundry, ointments, washing powder, oil, etc., they attended counselling regularly. However, as soon as such support was abolished due to the shortage of resources, attendance dwindled as well.Kljub finančnim in drugim težavam ter kritikam sta si oblastna in kasneje banovinska uprava prizadevali za čim boljšo zdravstveno in socialno zaščito mater in otrok. Materam je bila na voljo vrsta socialno-zdravstvenih ustanov, ki so jim bile v pomoč pri negi otrok. Še vedno pa večina mater teh možnosti ni izkoristila oziroma se je nanje obrnila šele takrat, ko je bilo prepozno. Posvetovalnic za matere, ki so imele osrednjo vlogo pri propagiranju higiene in nege dojenčkov in majhnih otrok, ni redno obiskovala niti polovica mater. Očitno se v dvajsetih in tridesetih letih 20. stoletja prepričanje o njihovem velikem preventivnem pomenu še vedno ni široko uveljavilo. Zlasti na podeželju ni bilo velikega napredka. K temu je verjetno prispevala tradicionalna miselnost, ki ji načela preventivne medicine niso bila blizu. Upoštevati pa je treba tudi prezaposlenost kmečkih mater z gospodinjskimi in kmečkimi opravili. Zanimivo je opažanje dr. Boga Dragaša, ki je vodil državni Zavod za zaščito mater in otrok v Ljubljani, glede obiskov posvetovalnic za dojenčke. V več primerih so matere redno prihajale v posvetovalnico le tako dolgo, dokler so dobivale podporo. Najbolj opazno naj bi bilo to v posvetovalnicah bolniških blagajn. Dokler so dobivale podporo v perilu, mazilu, prašku, olju itd., so redno prihajale v posvetovalnice, kakor hitro pa je bila tovrstna podpora zaradi pomanjkanja sredstev ukinjena, se je zmanjšal tudi obisk
Ustvarjanje slovensko-hrvaške meje
No full textZakaj je meja obsedena? V klasični grozljivki Eksorcist (1973) starodavni hudobni duh obsede dvanajstletno deklico Regan iz Washingtona. Pričnejo se dogajati čudne in strašljive stvari: deklica se obnaša nenavadno, krade, preklinja in zmerja. Starši se sprašujejo, kaj naj storijo, končno se obupani obrnejo na eksorcista.
Tudi slovensko-hrvaška meja se je nedolgo po vzpostavitvi neodvisnosti obeh držav pričela obnašati, kot da bi jo nekaj obsedlo. Do tedaj benevolentna razmejitev med dvema jugoslovanskima republikama je postala poligon za kričanje, zmerjanje in očitke po kraji ozemlja. Vloga naddržavnega eksorcista pa je bila v prvem desetletju novega tisočletja zaupana Evropski uniji. Pod njenim pokroviteljstvom sta 4. novembra 2009 Slovenija in Hrvaška podpisali arbitražni sporazum. A pokazalo se je, da je izganjanje mejaških duhov za voditelje obeh držav in Evropsko unijo prevelik zalogaj. Arbitražno sodišče je svojo razsodbo izreklo 29. junija 2017, vendar (v času priprave knjige) Republika Hrvaška razsodbe ne priznava zaradi prisluškovalne afere slovenskega arbitra v letu 2015
Za blagor mater in otrok: Zaščita mater in otrok v letih 1919–1941
No full textDespite its financial problems, other difficulties, and criticism, the administrative unit and subsequently the Banate Administration strived to ensure the best possible health and social protection of mothers and children. Mothers had a range of social and health institutions that provided childcare aid at their disposal. Still, most mothers would refrain from taking advantage of these options or turned to these institutions only when it was already too late. Not even half of the mothers made regular use of the maternity counselling services that played the central role in promoting hygiene, infant and child nursing. The conviction that these activities were profoundly important for prevention had obviously not yet asserted itself broadly until the 1920s and 1930s. Progress was especially slow in the countryside. The traditional frame of mind, unfamiliar with the principles of preventive medicine, probably contributed to this. However, we should also take into account that peasant mothers were far too busy with household and agricultural chores. The observation of Dr Bogo Dragaš, Head of the state Institute for the Protection of Mothers and Children, regarding the visits to the infant counselling services is very interesting. Mothers would often attend counselling only for as long as they kept receiving support. Allegedly this was most noticeable in the consultation rooms of medical insurance funds. Until the mothers kept receiving aid in the form of laundry, ointments, washing powder, oil, etc., they attended counselling regularly. However, as soon as such support was abolished due to the shortage of resources, attendance dwindled as well.Kljub finančnim in drugim težavam ter kritikam sta si oblastna in kasneje banovinska uprava prizadevali za čim boljšo zdravstveno in socialno zaščito mater in otrok. Materam je bila na voljo vrsta socialno-zdravstvenih ustanov, ki so jim bile v pomoč pri negi otrok. Še vedno pa večina mater teh možnosti ni izkoristila oziroma se je nanje obrnila šele takrat, ko je bilo prepozno. Posvetovalnic za matere, ki so imele osrednjo vlogo pri propagiranju higiene in nege dojenčkov in majhnih otrok, ni redno obiskovala niti polovica mater. Očitno se v dvajsetih in tridesetih letih 20. stoletja prepričanje o njihovem velikem preventivnem pomenu še vedno ni široko uveljavilo. Zlasti na podeželju ni bilo velikega napredka. K temu je verjetno prispevala tradicionalna miselnost, ki ji načela preventivne medicine niso bila blizu. Upoštevati pa je treba tudi prezaposlenost kmečkih mater z gospodinjskimi in kmečkimi opravili. Zanimivo je opažanje dr. Boga Dragaša, ki je vodil državni Zavod za zaščito mater in otrok v Ljubljani, glede obiskov posvetovalnic za dojenčke. V več primerih so matere redno prihajale v posvetovalnico le tako dolgo, dokler so dobivale podporo. Najbolj opazno naj bi bilo to v posvetovalnicah bolniških blagajn. Dokler so dobivale podporo v perilu, mazilu, prašku, olju itd., so redno prihajale v posvetovalnice, kakor hitro pa je bila tovrstna podpora zaradi pomanjkanja sredstev ukinjena, se je zmanjšal tudi obisk
"Kam ploveš standard?": življenjska raven in socializem
No full textThe standard of living in the Slovenian population gradually improved from the first decade after the World War II until the end of the 1970s, both in terms of material livelihood of an individual and families and social welfare. The socio-economic status, financial situation and the economic and social security of a Slovenian household, regardless of its type (i.e. agricultural, mixed and non-agricultural) were getting better. The tendency of the socialist socio-economic system towards a full employment and continuity of work provided people with a high degree of social security. The employment status allowed the population to enjoy more social rights and, at the same time, provided the financial ability to meet their needs, i.e. to cover their living expenses.Življenjska raven slovenskega prebivalstva se je od prvega desetletja po drugi svetovni vojni tako z vidika materialne eksistenčne osnove posameznika in družine kot tudi z vidika družbene blaginje postopoma izboljševala do izteka sedemdesetih let preteklega stoletja. Socialno‑ekonomski položaj, tako premoženje kot ekonomska in socialna varnost slovenskih gospodinjstev vseh tipov (kmečkih, mešanih in nekmečkih), se je dvigal. Ciljna usmerjenost socialističnega družbenoekonomskega sistema k polni zaposlenosti in stalnosti dela je ljudem omogočila visoko stopnjo socialne varnosti. Iz zaposlitvenega statusa si je prebivalstvo zagotavljalo večji del socialnih pravic in hkrati je iz njega izhajala njihova finančna sposobnost zadovoljiti svoje potrebe oziroma pokriti stroške življenja. Dinamika zadovoljevanja človekovih potreb z materialnimi in nematerialnimi dobrinami ter storitvami družbenih služb se je odvijala v razmerah samoupravnega socializma, za katerega je bila značilna nestabilnost. Ta se je odražala tudi v glavnih prvinah življenjske ravni tako z vidika materialne kot družbene blaginje. Življenjska raven slovenskega prebivalstva s svojimi elementarnimi sestavinami je do izteka sedemdesetih let z nihanji naraščala, s poglabljanjem vsesplošne krize v državi v osemdesetih letih pa se je začela poslabševati. Do konca sedemdesetih let so z nihanji naraščali osebni dohodki in sta se povečevali tudi kupna moč prebivalstva in osebna potrošnja; izboljševala se je družbena blaginja. V osemdesetih letih pa so se v pogojih vse globlje krize vsi dejavniki oblikovanja življenjske ravni poslabševali. Vir: JA