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Državni zbor 1992-2012: O slovenskem parlamentarizmu
No full textThe modern democraticallyelected European parliaments of the 19љ and 20th Century have always been public institutions where an exchange of viewpoints and opinions, regulated by rules, has taken place under the watchful eye of the public. Although the parliaments have differed from one another in Europe, they have nevertheless had many common points: they have been elected bodies (even if elected in various ways), meeting regularly, discussing social issues and finally reaching decisions by voting for them. However, the manner of elections as well as the ways in which they have operated and led discussions have varied considerably from one another. We refer to parliamentary practices in various parliaments as parliamentary culture, which is quite diverse across Europe. It is this very parliamentary culture which largely affects the relationship between the parliament and the public. The modern democracy calls for our trust in the political institutions - trust is even what the modern democracy is based on. However, comparatively speaking the trust in the parliament as the central legislative and representative body is relatively limited in the majority of European countries.Ko je časnikar lista Novice v začetku vihravega stoletja ugotavljal, da parlament na Dunaju počenja samomor, je zgolj zapisal tisto, o čemer je razpravljalo vsako kavarniško omizje. Želeni parlament, velika pridobitev konstitucionalne dobe, je velikokrat pomenil veliko razočaranje ... Več kot stoletje kasneje, ko slovenskih poslancev ni več niti v dunajskem državnem zboru, niti v Narodni skupščini Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije, niti v federalnih in republiških skupščinah druge jugoslovanske države, se zdi, da dilema ostaja enaka. Parlament, ki si gaje večina prebivalstva v začetku devetdesetih let 20. stoletja iskreno želela, se je kmalu zatem znašel na repu zaupanja državljanov. Ljudje hočemo parlament, a nam ta naposled ne ustreza, saj je bojda le politični teater, demokratična dekoracija, prave odločitve, ki zadevajo državljane, pa se - podobno kot za časa habsburške monarhije - tako ali tako sklepajo za zaprtimi vrati, za izbranimi in ozkimi strankarskimi omizji.1 Parlament, ki na tem prostoru obstaja od sredine 19. stoletja, je tako precej časa preživel v pričakovanju napovedane (četudi redko zares verjetne) klinične smrti.2 Spodkopavale naj bi ga politične stranke, kar je že v dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja teoretsko izjemno odmevno utemeljil nemški ustavni pravnik Carl Schmitt.3 Parlamenti na kontinentu in zlasti v srednji Evropi so torej že kmalu po svojem rojstvu zašli v krizo, kiji ni videti konca, a so temu navkljub naposled vendarle (s prekinitvami, toda precej dolgo) (pre)živeli
Samoodločba in federacija: slovenski komunisti in nacionalno vprašanje 1920-1941
No full textInitially Slovenian communists in the first Yugoslav state did not pay special attention to the national issues. Their views of this were formed in accordance with the standpoints of the Socialist Workers’ Party of Yugoslavia (the communists), and since 1920 the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (hereinafter KPJ). KPJ established its initial communist unitarian and centralist national Programme at the l st and 2nd congresses, which, respectively, took place between 21 and 23 April 1919 in Beigrade and between 20 and 24 June 1920 in Vukovar. This programme was based on the doctrine of a ≫pure dass struggle≪, according to which the national issues were related exclusively to the politics of the bourgeois social forces. Focusing on these topics would thus only impede the social and political action of the working dass, which would not be in the interest of the comprehensive realisation of its revolutionaiy intentions. It would only introduce confusion into the clear-cut class-oriented standpoints of the communists, indirectly making the unity of the very Yugoslav proletariat questionable. On the basis of such ideological foundations, KPJ argued for the principle of a nationally United Yugoslav state, according to which the Yugoslav nations, already formed historically, were supposedly only various ≫tribes≪ of the imagined single (Yugoslav) nation. Apart from the principle of the Yugoslav national unity, KPJ also argued for the centralist form of the state regime. The Slovenian communists agreed with the unitarian- centralist national programme of KPJ. However, they were the first within KPJ to emphasise that in its theory and politics the Yugoslav communist movement should also take the national problem into account. As early as in the end of October 1921 they brought the attention to the unbearable nature of the centralist state regime in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of SHS), and called for its transformation into a federation. In February 1922, under the ideological leadership of Lovro Klemenčič, the secretaiy of the Regional Council of KPJ for Slovenia at the time, and his close co-worker Vladislav Fabjančič, the Slovenian communists started to argue for the multi-national character of the Yugoslav state, the right of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs to self-determination, and their own federal state alliance of people and peasants.Slovenski komunisti nacionalni problematiki v prvi jugoslovanski državi najprej niso posvečali posebne pozornosti. Svoje poglede nanjo so oblikovali skladno s stališči Socialistične delavske stranke Jugoslavije (komunistov), od leta 1920 Komunistične partije Jugoslavije (KPJ), ki je na svojem I. in II. kongresu, 21.-23. aprila 1919 v Beogradu oziroma 20.-24. junija 1920 v Vukovarju, utemeljila prvotni komunistični unitaristični in centralistični nacionalni program. Le-ta je temeljil v doktrini ≫čistega razrednega boja≪, po kateri naj bi narodna problematika zadevala izključno politiko meščanskih družbenih sil. Njeno obravnavanje bi zato le hromilo družbeno in politično akcijo delavskega razreda, kar ni v interesu celovitega uresničevanja njegovih revolucionarnih namer. Vneslo bi le zmedo v jasna razredna stališča komunistov in posredno postavilo pod vprašaj enotnost samega jugoslovanskega proletariata. Na podlagi takih idejnih izhodišč je KPJ zagovarjala načelo nacionalno enotne jugoslovanske države, po katerem naj bi bili zgodovinsko že izoblikovani jugoslovanski narodi le ≫plemena≪ namišljenega enotnega (jugoslovanskega) naroda. Obenem z načelom jugoslovanske nacionalne enotnosti je zagovarjala tudi centralistično obliko državne ureditve. Unitarnocentralističnemu narodnemu programu KPJ so pritrjevali tudi slovenski komunisti. Vendar so prav oni prvi v KPJ poudarili, da mora jugoslovansko komunistično gibanje v svoji teoriji in politiki upoštevati tudi nacionalni problem. Že konec oktobra 1921 so opozorili na nevzdržnost centralistične državne ureditve v Kraljevini Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev in zahtevali njeno federativno preoblikovanje, februarja 1922 pa so pod idejnim vodstvom tedanjega sekretarja Pokrajinskega sveta KPJ za Slovenijo Lovra Klemenčiča in njegovega tesnega sodelavca Vladislava Fabjančiča začeli zagovarjati mnogonacionalni značaj jugoslovanske države, pravico Slovencev, Hrvatov in Srbov do samoodločbe in njihovo federativno ljudsko delavsko-kmečko državno zvezo
Pomisli na jutri: O zgodovini (samo)odgovornosti
No full textNa Inštitutu za novejšo zgodovino izvajamo dolgoročni raziskovalni program Podobe gospodarske in socialne modernizacije Slovenije. Raziskovalni program sloni na štirih konceptualnih načelih: dolgoročnosti, primerjalnosti, pojavni strukturiranosti in vzajemni celovitosti historičnih procesov. Osnovni namen raziskovalnega programa je raziskati in interpretirati dolgoročne strukturne ekonomske in socialne transformacije na Slovenskem na primeru kompleksne problematike izvora, dinamike in pojavnih oblik industrijske družbe znotraj evropskega referenčnega okvira
The Role of Education and Universities in Modernization Processes in Central and South-Eastern European Countries in 19th and 20th Century
No full textFor some time, the researchers studying various aspects of social and economic development in the 19th and 20th century have been pointing at the crucial role of education, schooling system and high-education institutions in the processes of social and economic modernisation and political and social democratisation. These processes could not take place without the spread of literacy, professionalization and communication using written language and media; and neither without the formation of educated and business elites, which became an indispensable dynamic factor of social, economic and cultural changes. In particular in the countries and nations with only weak urban middleclass population and slow development of non-agrarian economy (small trades and industry), educational institutions and universities were one of the most important factors of social mobility and transformation, which paved the way for the emergence of urbanized middle-class population and modern social and economic flows. In the 19th century, a large part of higher-education and university students were schooled outside their home environment; until 1918 students in the Habsburg monarchy were mostly schooled at the university centres within the monarchy, whereas the students from the South-Eastern European countries attended also Western European universities. Afterwards, they all conveyed their knowledge and economic, social and political development views to the local and wider national environment. With gradual establishing of higher-education and university institutions in the environments and countries where they had not existed before, new scientific and university centres started to emerge in Central and South-Eastern Europe in the second half of the 19th century; they accelerated the formation of educated elites and encouraged their modernisation efforts
The Role of Education and Universities in Modernization Processes in Central and South-Eastern European Countries in 19th and 20th Century
No full textFor some time, the researchers studying various aspects of social and economic development in the 19th and 20th century have been pointing at the crucial role of education, schooling system and high-education institutions in the processes of social and economic modernisation and political and social democratisation. These processes could not take place without the spread of literacy, professionalization and communication using written language and media; and neither without the formation of educated and business elites, which became an indispensable dynamic factor of social, economic and cultural changes. In particular in the countries and nations with only weak urban middleclass population and slow development of non-agrarian economy (small trades and industry), educational institutions and universities were one of the most important factors of social mobility and transformation, which paved the way for the emergence of urbanized middle-class population and modern social and economic flows. In the 19th century, a large part of higher-education and university students were schooled outside their home environment; until 1918 students in the Habsburg monarchy were mostly schooled at the university centres within the monarchy, whereas the students from the South-Eastern European countries attended also Western European universities. Afterwards, they all conveyed their knowledge and economic, social and political development views to the local and wider national environment. With gradual establishing of higher-education and university institutions in the environments and countries where they had not existed before, new scientific and university centres started to emerge in Central and South-Eastern Europe in the second half of the 19th century; they accelerated the formation of educated elites and encouraged their modernisation efforts
Boj za Albanijo: propad jugoslovanske širitve na Balkan
No full textThroughout the existence of the Yugoslav state the YugoslavAlbanian relations represented an important aspect of the Yugoslav foreign policy, which, however, only expressed itself during the critical moments of the relations between these states. The whole range of these relations was based on mutual distrust, caused by the negative historical experience, the Yugoslav interference with the Albanian internal political struggles and the resistance of a part of the Albanian leadership, which strived to preserve the Albanian political and economic independence. We can basically state that such attitude of the Albanian leadership, which turned Albania into the most isolated European state with minimal contacts with the outside world until the 1970s, was caused by the Yugoslav policy during and after World War II, which basically did not involve any bad intentions, but was received exceedingly sceptically by a part of the Albanian leadership.Jugoslovansko-albanski odnosi so ves čas obstoja jugoslovanske države predstavljali pomemben vidik v njeni zunanji politiki, ki pa je do izraza največkrat prišel le ob kritičnih trenutkih v medsebojnih odnosih. Celoten spekter medsebojnih odnosov je temeljil na vzajemnem nezaupanju, ki je bilo posledica negativnih zgodovinskih izkušenj, jugoslovanskega poseganja v albanske notranjepolitične boje in upornosti dela albanskega vodstva, ki je na vsak način želelo ohraniti politično in gospodarsko neodvisnost. Za takšno držo albanskega vodstva, ki je Albanijo do sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja spremenilo v najbolj izolirano evropsko državo z minimalnimi stiki z zunanjim svetom, lahko v osnovi obtožimo jugoslovansko medvojno in povojno politiko, ki sicer v osnovi ni nastopala s slabimi nameni, a so ti bili v delu albanskega vodstva nadvse skeptično sprejeti
Slovenski odpor: Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda od 1941 do 1945
No full textAlready after the VII Congress of the Comintern in 1935 the Communist Party, in the struggle against fascism, started establishing contacts not only with other labour groups, but also with bourgeois organisations. However, due to the illegality of the Communist Party and because of the 1939 HitlerStalin pact, when the communists denounced the antifascist mottos, the people’s front movement had not yet come to life completely in Slovenia. Only in the time of the Association of Friends of the Soviet Union and after the 5th Party Conference in the autumn of 1940, where a decision was reached to defend Yugoslavia from a possible attack, the communists concluded an action agreement with the Christian Socialist group and the left wing of the Sokoli organisation (a patriotic gymnastic society); namely, with the groups which later cofounded the Liberation Front.Komunistična partija se je že po VII. kongresu Kominterne leta 1935 začela v boju zoper fašizem povezovati ne le z drugimi delavskimi, temveč tudi z meščanskimi skupinami, vendar zaradi ilegalnosti komunistične partije in zaradi pakta Hitler -Stalinleta 1939, ko so komunisti opustili protifašistična gesla, ljudskofrontno gibanje v Sloveniji ni povsem zaživelo. Šele v času Društva prijateljev Sovjetske zveze oziroma po 5. partijski konferenci jeseni 1940, na kateri so sklenili braniti Jugoslavijo ob morebitnem napadu nanjo, so komunisti sklenili akcijski sporazum s krščanskosocialistično skupino in levim krilom Sokola, se pravi s skupinama, ki sta bili kasneje med ustanoviteljicami Osvobodilne fronte
The Role of Education and Universities in Modernization Processes in Central and South-Eastern European Countries in 19th and 20th Century
No full textFor some time, the researchers studying various aspects of social and economic development in the 19th and 20th century have been pointing at the crucial role of education, schooling system and high-education institutions in the processes of social and economic modernisation and political and social democratisation. These processes could not take place without the spread of literacy, professionalization and communication using written language and media; and neither without the formation of educated and business elites, which became an indispensable dynamic factor of social, economic and cultural changes. In particular in the countries and nations with only weak urban middleclass population and slow development of non-agrarian economy (small trades and industry), educational institutions and universities were one of the most important factors of social mobility and transformation, which paved the way for the emergence of urbanized middle-class population and modern social and economic flows. In the 19th century, a large part of higher-education and university students were schooled outside their home environment; until 1918 students in the Habsburg monarchy were mostly schooled at the university centres within the monarchy, whereas the students from the South-Eastern European countries attended also Western European universities. Afterwards, they all conveyed their knowledge and economic, social and political development views to the local and wider national environment. With gradual establishing of higher-education and university institutions in the environments and countries where they had not existed before, new scientific and university centres started to emerge in Central and South-Eastern Europe in the second half of the 19th century; they accelerated the formation of educated elites and encouraged their modernisation efforts
»Modni péle méle« slovenske družbe med svetovnima vojnama
No full textIn the present book, the author uses fashion, as the harbinger of any modern society, to discuss the process of modernization of interwar Slovenian society. The emphasis is placed on the attitude that Slovenians had towards this phenomenon, which can clearly be observed in the texts and images (photographs, illustrations) published in Catholic, liberal, socialist and other periodicals of that time. In researching the available historical sources, the author was interested mainly in finding out whether the Slovenian society of that time could be classified as being modern or still rather traditional, and whether fashion and the attitude of people towards fashion could be used to clarify this issue. The book begins with an introduction, which presents definitions of ideas and phenomena such as clothing fashion, the modern age, and traditional and consumer society. It also presents the key theories of fashion and modernization which serve as the basis for the interpretation of the researched sources. In the second part of the book, a number of different forms of communication are discussed, media in the broader (e.g. the fine arts, columns) and the narrower sense of the word (e.g. radio, film, photography). The author attempts to establish the role that such media played in the regulation (i.e. promotion and restriction) of fashion consumption in interwar Europe. The importance of print media is specifically emphasised, as such media provided Summary 340 the main source of information for the present book. The third part of the book outlines the development of print media and periodicals in Slovenia before and after the Great War, and there is also an observation of how fashion was featured in such media. It is established that in the field of fashion, the Slovenian print media of the interwar years made considerable progress when compared to the period prior to that.Knjiga “Modni pêle mêle” slovenske družbe med svetovnima vojnama se na primeru mode, znanilke modernih družb, ukvarja s procesom moderniziranja slovenske družbe v obdobju med svetovnima vojnama. Poudarek je na odnosu Slovencev do tega fenomena, ki je razviden z diskurzov, ki so bili objavljeni v takrat izhajajočem slovenskem katoliškem, liberalnem, socialističnem in drugem periodičnem tisku. Prvi del knjige je predgovor k študiji, kjer so predstavljene glavne definicije pojmov oziroma fenomenov kot so oblačilna moda, moderna doba in množični mediji. Drugi del se ukvarja z različnimi vrstami komunikacije, mediji v širšem (npr. slikarske umetnine, prižnice) in ožjem (npr. radio, film, fotografija) smislu, in njihovo vlogo pri regulaciji (pospeševanju/omejevanju) potrošnje mode v Evropi v medvojnem obdobju. Poseben poudarek je namenjen pomenu tiskanega medija, ki je hkrati tudi glavni vir knjige. O tem, kakšen je bil razvoj slovenskega tiskanega medija oz. periodičnega tiska pred in po prvi vojni ter kakšna je bila ponudba mode v njem, se ukvarja tretji del knjige. Konča se z ugotovitvijo, da je slovenski tisk v obdobju med vojnama v primerjavi z obdobjem pred tem, na področju mode dosegel očiten napredek
Slovenski odpor: Osvobodilna fronta slovenskega naroda od 1941 do 1945
No full textAlready after the VII Congress of the Comintern in 1935 the Communist Party, in the struggle against fascism, started establishing contacts not only with other labour groups, but also with bourgeois organisations. However, due to the illegality of the Communist Party and because of the 1939 HitlerStalin pact, when the communists denounced the antifascist mottos, the people’s front movement had not yet come to life completely in Slovenia. Only in the time of the Association of Friends of the Soviet Union and after the 5th Party Conference in the autumn of 1940, where a decision was reached to defend Yugoslavia from a possible attack, the communists concluded an action agreement with the Christian Socialist group and the left wing of the Sokoli organisation (a patriotic gymnastic society); namely, with the groups which later cofounded the Liberation Front.Komunistična partija se je že po VII. kongresu Kominterne leta 1935 začela v boju zoper fašizem povezovati ne le z drugimi delavskimi, temveč tudi z meščanskimi skupinami, vendar zaradi ilegalnosti komunistične partije in zaradi pakta Hitler -Stalinleta 1939, ko so komunisti opustili protifašistična gesla, ljudskofrontno gibanje v Sloveniji ni povsem zaživelo. Šele v času Društva prijateljev Sovjetske zveze oziroma po 5. partijski konferenci jeseni 1940, na kateri so sklenili braniti Jugoslavijo ob morebitnem napadu nanjo, so komunisti sklenili akcijski sporazum s krščanskosocialistično skupino in levim krilom Sokola, se pravi s skupinama, ki sta bili kasneje med ustanoviteljicami Osvobodilne fronte