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A study of Fort Valley State College and future black agricultural technicians in the state of Georgia 1950 - 1975, 1975
The northern black mayor: an evaluation of Carl B. Stokes' mayoral tenure in reference to the new elective politics of black America, 1976
The tenure of Carl Burton Stokes is examined here for what it reveals about the dynamics of municipal power configurations surrounding the ascension and performance of a black mayor in a majority white city. More specifically, Stokes' administration is examined for tendencies indicating very effective leadership, moderately effective leadership, or poor mayoral leadership. The fundamental problem of this endeavor was affecting a viable evaluative model for Stokes. Guidance, coordination, initiation, and coercion from the mayor's office were taken as the chief variables of effective leadership. To this general absolute of effective mayoral leadership, performance-related gradations were added. The "civic entrepreneur" is the mayor who has solid elite support and has overcome the problems of his administration's day-to-day survival. The entrepreneur guides and initiates city government policy. The "political broker" is much more involved with coalition-building and coalition-maintenance. Policy coming out of the broker's office is negotiated, with those who hold significant portions of municipal power. The "figurehead" eschews most of the bargaining of the broker and withdraws from visible leadership for reasons of expediency or political survival. In addition to matching Stokes' performance as mayor to the gradated scale, this thesis aims to find out whether Stokes, as a black mayor, should be evaluated on a special basis because of his blackness or whether he should be judged alongside other mayors on performance alone. Content analysis, interviewing, and long hand research are all used in the course of this paper. To an extent, former Cleveland Mayor Carl B. Stokes was the product of an era. The civil rights movement had spent itself by the middle sixties, and the more militant, left-leaning black political leadership had been stifled by democratic repression. Stokes, as a veteran politician, appeared as a workable alternative: a legitimate black leader in a riot-torn city. During the course of his tenure, Stokes relied heavily on coalition politics. However, to be successful in office he had to have the support of the local economic notables, a group usually above coalition campaigning. Stokes' support from this group vacillated and eventually faded. It was found to be crucial that local black leaders, formal and informal, be in tandem with the black mayor's administration. Dissention among black leaders contributed significantly to the destruction of Stokes' fragile web of support. The black electorate and some observers suffer from a mythical assessment of the black politician-mayor. The messianic complex, left over from the era of informal black leadership, is often attached to the black politician-mayor. This attachment skews appraisal. First and foremost, the black politician must come to grips with the system maintenance paradigm. He is an integral part of it. To evaluate Stokes' mayor-ship separately by putting a premium on his black chauvinism is laudable in terms of black sympathizing but out of context with Stokes' position. Stokes' could not adjust city government to black needs and demands; black needs and demands had to be made amenable to city government. Judged by his performance, Carl B. Stokes was a "political broker," hence, a mediocre mayor. His bargaining skills were sound, but his administrative skills were thin
A study of the reading interests and habits of a selected group of high school students at the North Gulfport High School, Gulfport, Mississippi, 1963-1964, 1965
Attitudinal differences between black middle class male and female single parents toward child rearing, 1986
The purpose of this thesis is to ascertain differences in the attitudes of males and females raising children alone. This study focuses on Black, middle-class single parents and their attitudes toward child-rearing via the case-study approach. Male single-parents in this study were found to harbor more positive attitudes than female single-parents. Such an attitude was found to result from a lower financial base of women in comparison to men and discriminatory attitudes of society based on sex. Female single-parents reported that single-parenting interferes with their single social life as well their personal goals, and that it affects their overall living status. Female single-parents tended to have especially strong feelings regarding their income level. The majority believed that their income was not adequate for raising children. Single-parent fathers felt a greater sense of joy with their relationships and did not see their children as an interference regarding their social life