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CRISIS OF THE RULE OF LAW THROUGH THE “NECESSITY” OF PROTECTING NATIONAL (CONSTITUTIONAL) IDENTITY
The creation of a European identity through respect for the values of the national system is simultaneously accompanied by a weakening of the (European) rule of law. It was believed that countries close to the European Union share the same values as it, that is, that their common values represent a guarantee of stability. However, it turned out to be the opposite. The desire of the European Union to contribute to the progress of the region through the policy of conditionality encountered the obstacle of protecting the principle of national (constitutional) identity on the part of the member states (Hungary and Poland), which gave the outlines of the beginning of the rule of law crisis with such an approach. While the first part of the work will be devoted to the theoretical and practical importance of national (constitutional) identity and the rule of law through the construction of European Union politics, both internal and external, the second part will be based on Hungary and Poland and their criminal slippages from the core of all the values of the European Union – the rule of law.Stvaranje evropskog identiteta poštovanjem vrednosti nacionalnog sistema istovremeno prati slabljenje (evropske) vladavine prava. Verovalo se da države bliske Evropskoj uniji poštuju iste vrednosti kao i ona, to jest da su njihove zajedničke vrednosti garant stabilnosti. Međutim, pokazalo se suprotno. Želja Evropske unije da politikom uslovljavanja doprinese napretku regiona naišla je na prepreku zaštite načela nacionalnog (ustavnog) identiteta od država članica (Mađarske i Poljske) koje su takvim pristupom davale obrise početka krize vladavine prava. Dok je prvi deo rada posvećen teorijskom i praktičnom značaju nacionalnog (ustavnog) identiteta i vladavine prava putem građenja politike Evropske unije, interne i eksterne, drugi deo je zasnovan na razmatranju Ma- đarske i Poljske i njihovih kriminalnih iskliznuća iz srži svih vrednosti Evropske unije – vladavine prava
OPRAVDANOST MERA POMOĆI GRAĐANIMA TOKOM PANDEMIJE IZAZVANE KOVIDOM 19 SA STANOVIŠTA SOCIJALNE POLITIKE U SRBIJI
In this paper, we analyze the justification of measures for helping citizens during the COVID-19 virus pandemic in Serbia from 2020 to 2022 from the point of view of social policies. There is no agreement in the domestic literature as to whether these measures contributed to the reduction of poverty and social exclusion, as well as to decrease the social inequalities in Serbia. The conclusion of the paper is that the measures were not justified from the point of view of social policies and that they did not contribute either to the permanent reduction of poverty and social exclusion or to social inequalities. Greater results could have been achieved with targeted measures intended only for certain categories of the population, as in the comparative countries. Although three years have passed since the beginning of the pandemic, dealing with this topic is of particular importance because it provides guidelines for solving global crises in the context of the future.U ovom radu se bavimo opravdanošću mera pomoći građanima tokom pandemije kovida 19 sa stanovišta socijalnih politika u Srbiji od 2020. do 2022. godine. U domaćoj literaturi ne postoji saglasnost o tome da li su te mere doprinele smanjenju siromaštva i socijalne isključenosti i, dok postoji stanovište da su mere imale određene pozitivne efekte, zaključak rada je da mere nisu bile opravdane sa stanovišta socijalnih politika. Veći rezultati u smanjenju siromaštva mogli su da se postignu targetiranim merama namenjenim samo određenim kategorijama stanovništva, kako je učinjeno u stranim državama čija su pravna i strateška rešenja prikazana. Iako su od početka pandemije prošle već tri godine, bavljenje tom temom ima poseban značaj jer pruža smernice za rešavanje globalnih kriza u kontekstu budućnosti
Zelena kriminologija i kontrola kriminaliteta
The paper dealt with only some of the key issues related to a new approach to criminal sciences - green criminology, which, after a little more than three decades since its first mention, is still in the search phase. Many things related to it are under question or the result of numerous controversies: from the very name, its philosophical theoretical framework, the subject of study and its systematics, the methodological apparatus, all the way to what human behaviors are studied, who are the perpetrators and victims, finally: how to control such acts. The article started from the fact that green criminology is an orientation in modern criminology that studies how people interact with the environment and what changes they cause in it. In other words, it deals with forms of endangerment and damage caused to the environment, behaviors that do not include only criminal acts, or even just illegal actions. Their perpetrators are primarily economic entities (companies), but also authorities i.e. their representatives and citizens who also contribute to the devastation of nature. Although we are all victims of such acts, members of minority communities, indigenous peoples and people who occupy lower positions on the social ladder feel the most of their consequences. The number of factors that cause \u27green crime\u27 is huge (as well as the type of acts that comprise it), but the most common are the race for profit, efforts to achieve economic development at any cost, corruption, but also insufficiently developed environmental awareness of citizens and personal traits and the status of the perpetrator. What causes particular concern is the ineffectiveness of control mechanisms for this form of crime, which is evident in all parts of the world. The operation of formal social control mechanisms cannot reduce such acts to levels that could be tolerated. The key reason for this is that the main actors who endanger the environment are precisely the allpowerful companies that often act together with the state authorities from which the judicial ones should sanction them. As with other issues in criminology, it has been shown that we are moving into an area dominated by issues of power, wealth and poverty. In other words - here is perhaps the most important question: who makes the laws and determines the boundaries of the criminal zone? It has been shown (especially on the example of the USA and the EU, which have the most developed environmental legislation) that it is not enough just to pass regulations - their content is more important. Environmental movements and their activism make a special contribution to opposing \u27green crime\u27 from subjects of informal control, while the influence of the public is much smaller because it reflects the image of environmental crime created by the media, which is often influenced by those who most seriously threaten the environment. After this not very optimistic picture, the question arises: what to do in a situation where a large number of criminologists claim that the generator of the most serious threats is precisely the logic on which modern capitalism rests: it is a combination of the unscrupulous race for profit, consumerism and the reduction of all things to commodities. This does not mean that those representatives of radical and anarchist criminology are right who see the way out in a revolution (each one ended with a change in places that carry privileges, amassing wealth and ruling over people). Instead of such upheavals, we should establish a harmonious relationship with the world around us (for this it is not necessary to invent some kind of "inalienable rights" of animals and nature). Such a relationship implies appreciating the need to preserve existing ecosystems, recognizing that there are values more important than the race for profit at any cost. This goal can be reached with gradual steps: - it is necessary to develop the environmental awareness of citizens; as its assumption, there is a need for media (traditional and new digital) to objectively present activities, as well as data on tendencies and consequences of environmental crimes; - they should get that data from science (both natural and social), whereby knowledge of green criminology is of key importance; - that knowledge should serve as a framework for an appropriate normative system that is the basis of responding to unacceptable acts, which will show the good sides of the bifurcation: for the most dangerous acts, such as ecocide, it is necessary to foresee the most severe sanctions and apply them consistently so that potential offenders understand that it does not pay off for them to perform them (hedonic calculation); it is also important to regulate the status issues of business entities in such a way that they cannot avoid responsibility by changing the status of the company (which is otherwise a common case now). For lighter crimes, the control authorities and the judiciary should have a whole series of measures, primarily of a financial nature, at their disposal; - in addition, it is necessary to develop new methods of confrontation, such as, for example, situational prevention based on the involvement of the local community; - when it comes to informal control, it is necessary to strengthen environmental movements and use media "blaming campaigns" of entities that threaten the environment. Finally, in this area too, it is necessary to separate myth from truth, waves of populism from consistent action. Because exaggerations and distortions of the real situation are observed here, in both directions: both the minimization of the real effects of environmental actions, and the dramatization campaigns based on (often fabricated) data. Their goal is to further strengthen the economic dominance of the most developed countries, which force the rest of the world to buy from them expensive technologies intended to "preserve nature", while at the same time doing little to preserve the Planet that we all share, as its main polluters and culprits of climate change. It is important that we act sincerely and with dedication, instead of soothing our conscience by claiming that we have done everything we could.Од последње четвртине прошлог века научнике и јавност оличену (и) у "еколошком активизму", прво на Западу, а касније и у осталим деловима света заокупљају питања која би се могла свести на неколико појмова од којих ће овде бити поменути само неки: "еколошка правда", "антропоцентризам", "одрживи развој", али и "екоцид", "права животиња", "криминалитет корпорација" и низ других. Све више је тврдњи да је чак и будућност опстанка људске врсте на нашој Планети угрожена деловањем човека. Истовремено - један, истина мањи, број људи сматра да су наведене категорије, као и оне попут "зелене агенде" само још један покушај развијених држава да умноже своје богатство под фирмом борбе против климатских промена. У тој ситуацији чини се да је криминологија помало заостала за трендовима које су наметнули еколози, нарочито они који су своје образовање стекли у природним наукама. Наиме, тек у завршној декади XX века јавља се нова оријентација - тзв. зелена криминологија која је у међувремену помогла да боље разумемо еколошке проблеме. Пре свега, истраживањем најтежих облика угрожавања животне средине, затим је указала на чиниоце због којих се таква дела врше, описала велики број оних које можемо сматрати (непосредним и посредним) жртвама овакве криминалне активности и предложила мере које би помогле контроли таквих дела. Но, многа питања су - како ће се у раду видети - остала неразрешена.Od poslednje četvrtine prošlog veka naučnike i javnost oličenu (i) u "ekološkom aktivizmu", prvo na Zapadu, a kasnije i u ostalim delovima sveta zaokupljaju pitanja koja bi se mogla svesti na nekoliko pojmova od kojih će ovde biti pomenuti samo neki: "ekološka pravda", "antropocentrizam", "održivi razvoj", ali i "ekocid", "prava životinja", "kriminalitet korporacija" i niz drugih. Sve više je tvrdnji da je čak i budućnost opstanka ljudske vrste na našoj Planeti ugrožena delovanjem čoveka. Istovremeno - jedan, istina manji, broj ljudi smatra da su navedene kategorije, kao i one poput "zelene agende" samo još jedan pokušaj razvijenih država da umnože svoje bogatstvo pod firmom borbe protiv klimatskih promena. U toj situaciji čini se da je kriminologija pomalo zaostala za trendovima koje su nametnuli ekolozi, naročito oni koji su svoje obrazovanje stekli u prirodnim naukama. Naime, tek u završnoj dekadi XX veka javlja se nova orijentacija - tzv. zelena kriminologija koja je u međuvremenu pomogla da bolje razumemo ekološke probleme. Pre svega, istraživanjem najtežih oblika ugrožavanja životne sredine, zatim je ukazala na činioce zbog kojih se takva dela vrše, opisala veliki broj onih koje možemo smatrati (neposrednim i posrednim) žrtvama ovakve kriminalne aktivnosti i predložila mere koje bi pomogle kontroli takvih dela. No, mnoga pitanja su - kako će se u radu videti - ostala nerazrešena
Zaključci regionalne naučno-stručne konferencije „Životna sredina i krivičnopravni instrumenti zaštite - norma i praksa“, Novi Sad, 21. oktobra 2022. god.
Not available in Englis
Жика Бујуклић, Правнички домети песника Лазе Костића, Правни факултет Универзитета у Београду / Службени гласник / Досије студио, Београд 2018.
PRAVNE PRAZNINE KAO ANOMALIJA PRAVNOG SISTEMA - RAZMATRANJE POJMA I PRIRODE PRAVNIH PRAZNINA
With the development of human society, new social situations arise in which the law often needs to be revised, and, therefore, the need to regulate legal gaps arises. Another possibility is that the legislator is unskilled, that he used vague terms when standardizing certain relations, or that, for various reasons, he failed to standardize those relations. Thus, legal gaps arise in law, which need to be analyzed and filled, especially since the law is expected to regulate those relationships that enable and facilitate social functioning. Therefore, it is necessary to present a thorough theoretical approach to the problem of the existence of legal gaps from the point of view of legal theory. Particular attention should be paid to filling legal gaps; however, as this is not the subject of this paper, we will only emphasize the necessity of solving this issue.Razvojem ljudskog društva nastaju nove društvene situacije kojima pravo često ostaje nedoraslo te se, stoga, javlja i potreba njihovog normiranja. Druga mogućnost je da je zakonodavac nevešt, da se prilikom normiranja određenih odnosa služio neodređenim izrazima ili da je, iz različitih razloga, propustio da te odnose normira. Tako u pravu nastaju pravne praznine, koje treba analizirati i popunitii, naročito zbog toga što se od prava očekuje da normira one odnose koji omogućavaju i olakšavaju društveno funkcionisanje. Neophodno je, dakle, izložiti celovit teorijski pristup problematici postojanja pravnih praznina sa stanovišta pravne teorije. Posebnu pažnju treba posvetiti i popunjavanju pravnih praznina. Međutim, kako to nije predmet ovog rada, naglasićemo samo nužnost rešavanja tog pitanja
WHAT DO JUS COGENS NORMS DO FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY?
This paper aims to delve into the qualities and content of norms of general international law classified as peremptory (jus cogens). To do so, three questions will be answered: (i) how does jus cogens arise, (ii) how is jus cogens changed and eliminated and (iii) what is jus cogens “utility”? The first question will be answered by adopting a two-stage formal criterion, based on the provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. In this section, it will be demonstrated that jus cogens may have trivial content. Next, it will be argued that the process of modification and elimination of jus cogens depends to a great extent on the non-verification of the necessary conditions for its emergence. Finally, the “utility question” will deal with the alleged constitutionalist function of jus co- gens and its relevance, namely by limiting the power of the States and strengthening the rule of law
Predlog nacionalne strategije za suprotstavljanje korupciji formiranjem antikorupcijskog tima
The security crisis, in a broader sense, which is noticeable on a national, regional and planetary level, is an incentive for science to highlight problems and generate proposals for establishing balance in society. The challenges facing the Republic of Serbia will not be eliminated by the passive attitude of the state in the face of the ramifications of socially dangerous phenomena. In this direction, one of the most destructive destructive phenomena is corruption. Qualified as a serious crime, corruption causes the breakdown of society, intolerance towards eradication, creating resistance to defining action plans for its neutralization. The strategic plan at the national level requires the formation of a steel working group in a silk suit, conspiratorial action in its detection, prevention and elimination as a phenomenon.Безбедносна криза, у ширем смислу, која је приметна на националном, регионалном и планетарном плану подстицај је за науку да истакне проблеме и изнедри предлоге за успостављање баланса у друштву. У том правцу, један од најпогубнијих деструктивних феномена је корупција. Квалификована као скуп тешких кривичних дела, корупција изазива слом друштва, нетрпељивост према искорењивању, стварање отпора ка дефинисању акционих планова за њено неутралисање. Стратешки план на националном нивоу захтева формирање "челичне радне групе у свиленом оделу", конспиративно поступање у њеном откривању, спречавању и елиминисању као појаве.Bezbednosna kriza, u širem smislu, koja je primetna na nacionalnom, regionalnom i planetarnom planu podsticaj je za nauku da istakne probleme i iznedri predloge za uspostavljanje balansa u društvu. U tom pravcu, jedan od najpogubnijih destruktivnih fenomena je korupcija. Kvalifikovana kao skup teških krivičnih dela, korupcija izaziva slom društva, netrpeljivost prema iskorenjivanju, stvaranje otpora ka definisanju akcionih planova za njeno neutralisanje. Strateški plan na nacionalnom nivou zahteva formiranje "čelične radne grupe u svilenom odelu", konspirativno postupanje u njenom otkrivanju, sprečavanju i eliminisanju kao pojave
Latentni kriminal i policijska statistika: Uloga osećaja sigurnosti u radu na sprovođenju zakona
The social response to crime is implemented through crime control, that is, through the criminal justice system, crime prevention, law enforcement, and community and social programs and intervention methods outside the justice system. Examining the impact of the crime control system and institutions on crime is a relatively new trend in criminology, which is shown in the research presented in the paper. When researching the causality that causes crime, the attention of science is inevitably directed to the criminal justice system, primarily due to social phenomena such as the phenomenon of latent crime, and the conceptual paradox of subjective and objective security. In addition to examining the creation process of criminal statistics, the paper focuses on exploring the nature of latent crime and objective and subjective security. The relationship between subjective perceptions of security and the objective security situation in today\u27s modern risk society is given a detailed evaluation. The question rightly arises as to what the police alone can do to counteract the deterioration in the sense of security and what other social processes are involved that go beyond their scope and objective scope of action. The subjective sense of security is difficult or impossible to separate from the latent crime in the given social environment or how law enforcement agencies respond to crime. If the quality of law enforcement is primarily determined by the effort to improve criminal statistics, the gap between objective and subjective security will naturally increase.Друштвени одговор на криминал се спроводи кроз контролу криминала, односно, кроз кривичноправни систем, превенцију криминала, спровођење закона, као и програме заједнице и друштва и методе интервенције ван правосудног система. Испитивање утицаја система контроле криминала и институција о криминалу је релативно Нов тренд у криминологији, што показују истраживања приказана у раду. Приликом истраживања узрочности која доводи до криминала, пажња науке је неизбежно усмерена на кривичноправни систем, пре свега због друштвених појава као што је латентни криминал, и концептуалног парадокса субјективне и објективне сигурности. Поред испитивања процеса стварања кривичне статистике, рад се фокусира на истраживање природе латентног криминала као и објективне и субјективне сигурности. Детаљно је оцењен однос између субјективних перцепција сигурности и објективне сигурносне ситуације у данашњем савременом друштву ризика. С правом се поставља питање шта полиција сама може учинити да се супротстави погоршању у смислу сигурности и који су други друштвени процеси који превазилазе њихов обим и објективни обим деловања. Субјективни осећ ај сигурности је тешко или немогућ е одвојити од латентног криминала у датом друштвеном окружењу односно како органи за спровођење закона реагују на криминал. Ако је квалитет спровођења закона првенствено одређен настојањем да се побољша криминалистичка статистика, јаз између објективне и субјективне сигурности ће се природно повећавати.Društveni odgovor na kriminal se sprovodi kroz kontrolu kriminala, odnosno, kroz krivičnopravni sistem, prevenciju kriminala, sprovođenje zakona, kao i programe zajednice i društva i metode intervencije van pravosudnog sistema. Ispitivanje uticaja sistema kontrole kriminala i institucija o kriminalu je relativno Nov trend u kriminologiji, što pokazuju istraživanja prikazana u radu. Prilikom istraživanja uzročnosti koja dovodi do kriminala, pažnja nauke je neizbežno usmerena na krivičnopravni sistem, pre svega zbog društvenih pojava kao što je latentni kriminal, i konceptualnog paradoksa subjektivne i objektivne sigurnosti. Pored ispitivanja procesa stvaranja krivične statistike, rad se fokusira na istraživanje prirode latentnog kriminala kao i objektivne i subjektivne sigurnosti. Detaljno je ocenjen odnos između subjektivnih percepcija sigurnosti i objektivne sigurnosne situacije u današnjem savremenom društvu rizika. S pravom se postavlja pitanje šta policija sama može učiniti da se suprotstavi pogoršanju u smislu sigurnosti i koji su drugi društveni procesi koji prevazilaze njihov obim i objektivni obim delovanja. Subjektivni oseć aj sigurnosti je teško ili nemoguć e odvojiti od latentnog kriminala u datom društvenom okruženju odnosno kako organi za sprovođenje zakona reaguju na kriminal. Ako je kvalitet sprovođenja zakona prvenstveno određen nastojanjem da se poboljša kriminalistička statistika, jaz između objektivne i subjektivne sigurnosti će se prirodno povećavati
Kazna zatvora u 21. veku
In this study, we analyze the features of modern imprisonment. The author, first of all, starts by pointing out the trend of penal populism which imposes a series of negative consequences for the entire social system and then evaluates five main theses related to criticism of the criminal sanctions which were indeed raised by Foucault with an aim to determine whether ultimately, today, something has been altered in the era of global integrations, self-proclaimed democratic societies and increasingly loud proclamations for the protection of human rights and freedoms. The following part of the study is committed to contemplating the positive and negative consequences of life imprisonment, as of latterly initiated punishment in the system of criminal sanctions of the Republic of Serbia, with an allusion to sole comparative law solutions.У раду се анализирају савремене карактеристике казне затвора. Ауторка најпре полази од указивања на тренд казненог популизма који за собом повлачи низ негативних последица по читав друштвени систем, а потом анализира пет главних теза које се односе на критике ове кривичне санкције које је издвојио Фуко, са настојањем да утврди - да ли се данас у ери глобалних интеграција, све звучнијих прокламација заштите људских права и слобода и самопрокламованим демократским друштвима нешто променило? Други део рада посебно је посвећен разматрању позитивних и негативних ефеката казне доживотног затвора, као новоуведене казне у систему кривичних санкција Републике Србије, са освртом на поједина упоредноправна решења.U radu se analiziraju savremene karakteristike kazne zatvora. Autorka najpre polazi od ukazivanja na trend kaznenog populizma koji za sobom povlači niz negativnih posledica po čitav društveni sistem, a potom analizira pet glavnih teza koje se odnose na kritike ove krivične sankcije koje je izdvojio Foucault, sa nastojanjem da utvrdi - da li se danas u eri globalnih integracija, sve zvučnijih proklamacija zaštite ljudskih prava i sloboda i samoproklamovanim demokratskim društvima nešto promenilo? Drugi deo rada posebno je posvećen razmatranju pozitivnih i negativnih efekata kazne doživotnog zatvora, kao novouvedene kazne u sistemu krivičnih sankcija Republike Srbije, sa osvrtom na pojedina uporednopravna rešenja