University of Hradec Králové Journals
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Caveat amator: Podvodné znásilnění
Get PDFZnásilnění můžeme předběžně chápat jako nekonsenzuální sex, to znamená sex bez souhlasu. Nabízí se otázka, zda je správné, abychom i dosažení sexu na základě podvodného překroucení nebo zamlčení relevantních a významných faktů kvalifikovali jako znásilnění, tedy jako něco trestuhodného. Myslím, že bychom měli rozlišovat podvod, jehož účelem je dosažení sexu bez souhlasu, a podvod, jehož účelem je dosažení souhlasu k sexu
Georg Klute & Peter Skalnik (eds). 2013. Actors in Contemporary African Politics. Munster: LIT Verlag.
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Grasping Kiflu’s Fear – Informality and Existentialism in Migration from North-East Africa
Get PDFFive decades after sociologist Everett Lee published his universal ‘Theory of Migration’, rationalising etic explanations of praxis in unprivileged migration still prevail. In this article I critically discuss commonly used concepts such as coping strategy, agency and creativity that have been widely derived from the study of uncertainty in urban and rural Africa. Subsequently I suggest reassessing the concept of informality within the context of migration, where it evolves alongside migration’s informal/formal divide. Informality then includes migration’s specific existential dimension and can be understood as a typical mode of action in unprivileged migration. Informality potentially bridges the gap between ‘acting’ and ‘being acted upon’ (Jackson 2005), it renders active where otherwise passivity and exclusion have to be faced and thus feeds imaginations of a better life elsewhere. Informality, however, also shapes people and their view of the world. This is explicated exemplarily with reference to my own fieldwork with migrants from Eritrea and Ethiopia. I argue that migrants’ agency should not be simply alleged from above, but conceptualised from empirical research. The study of migrants’ informal praxis can not only contribute to theoretical debates in migration studies but also refers to a global perspective
Peasants, the State and Aid: Rural Development and Poverty in Cape Verde
Get PDFBased on employment-intensive public works, international food aid implemented a model in several countries with varying rates of success. Through the sale of foodstuffs, food aid in Cape Verde originated a “monetized” help system called “cash-for-work”. This system consisted of recruiting workers from rural areas for the construction of infrastructure projects for the conservation of soil and water. Also the construction of roads creates income for rural families, during their free time from the traditional activities such as composting, sowing and harvesting of dry land agriculture. The result was the establishment of a food aid program in Cape Verde through the 1980s and 1990s that represents a combination of several types of programs. These programs intend to guarantee long-term employment as well as the creation of an infrastructure. Therefore it was not a program of emergency food aid. Santiago`s rural production relationship develops alongside the transformation in social structures based on the traditional forms of cooperation of work and mutual assistance. This is in response to developmental actions through the rural development projects. These transformations in the peasants’ social organization refer to the importance of reciprocity in peasant society. In the Santiago case, this possibility is settled by using a device to reduce uncertainty, a kind of shape memory behavior, where collective reciprocity of the social structure, built on peasant institutions, was to maintain a negative relationship with modernizing external interventions. Development/underdevelopment, is the result of the action of economic agents in a precise contexts. The decision of rural economic agents as minimum resource managers is the essential ingredient to the "modernization" of peasant self-management, fostering the co-evolutionary process (progression) of different elements of social design
Ellis, Stephen. 2013. External Mission. The ANC in Exile, 1960–1990. Oxford University Press.
Get PDFSingle Spine, Double Spine or Multiple Spine: Solving Labour Conflicts and Making Public Sector Jobs More Rewarding in Ghana
Get PDFThe governments of Ghana and public sector workers have since the country’s independence, well over fifty years ago, been embroiled in a protracted fisticuff all in their quest for a rewarding compensation package that will adequately recompense the latter for the physical and mental efforts they exert at their various places of work. The road to finding a lasting solution to this brawl has been tortuous, bumpy and chequered. Commissions upon commissions have been instituted to among other issues, advise the government on the effective ways of rewarding the country’s labour to stem the tide of labour agitations for an enhanced, equitable and rewarding compensation regime, but this single laudable objective has never been attained. Incessant strikes, threats of strikes and storms of protests continue to greet every government that assumes political power in Ghana. Hardly a year goes passed without a group of labour unions issuing such threats or embarking upon work stoppage either to demonstrate their dissatisfaction with government’s lackadaisical attitude to the implementation of one public sector salary regime or to demand for enhanced remuneration package. The real solution to this age-long problem continues to elude the country. The single-spine pay policy (SSPP), which was touted to be a panacea for the craved for rewarding compensation by Ghana labour has failed to suffice to whet the appetite of public sector workers. So, where do we turn next? This paper traces various attempts both past and present governments have made to find a lasting solution to the protracted labour agitations for enhanced remuneration for a comprehensive, equitable and rewarding compensation package for the public sector workers in Ghana. It enquires into other possible measures of solving the matrices of confronting the onslaught in the labour front to stem the tide of agitations over wages and salaries. The data was obtained from both primary and secondary sources. The primary data comprises of reports by commissions and committees set up to review wages and salaries for the country’s public sector which is supported with information from existing literature on the subject.
Beyond scarcity: Conflicts over land and social relations in south- western Burkina Faso
Get PDFRecently, the academic and political debate on resource scarcity and conflict has been revitalized against the background of global trends like climate change and the growing commercial pressure on land. Scholars widely agree that resource scarcity causes or influences conflict via social and political mediation mechanisms. But the respective understanding of social mediation fundamentally depends on theoretical and ontological perspectives. We argue that conflicts over land are indeed distributive conflicts over a scarce resource. But they cannot be understood regarding only the materiality of the resource because the conflicts are embedded in specific social relations. We examine local conflicts over land in the Comoé province, south-western Burkina Faso and illustrate how local citizenship is negotiated in these conflicts. Control of and access to land, as well as social categories of citizenship and belonging are linked to each other in a mutually constitutive relationship
Commodification of elections: the future of elections in Zimbabwe
Get PDFThe economic voting theory and the responsibility hypothesis posit that voters hold the government accountable for economic performance and will vote for the incumbent if the economy is good. The core assumption is that there is an incumbent and an opposition contesting in an election. But, this is not always the case. In elections following a transitional power sharing government, the schism between the incumbent and the opposition is generally blurred. Political parties that usually contest in the elections would have been part of the transitional power-sharing government. In such cases, voters are not able to apportion responsibility, and political parties compete to claim credit and assign blame. This increases the propensity for election commodification. Applying this proposition to Zimbabwe’s 2013 elections, this paper contends that commodification of elections increases in polls following a transitional power sharing government when political parties contesting in the elections were part of the transitional power sharing government, making it difficult for voters to determine responsibility for policy, and leading to intense competition among political parties to claim credit and apportion blame for the performance of the transitional power-sharing government
Global Challenges and the (Re)Development of Neo-traditional Land Rights. Research in Legal Anthropology in Guinea-Bissau
Get PDFToday, global players and global legal norms are present even in seemingly remote areas. The Bijagós archipelago of Guinea-Bissau is a case in point. Besides the autochthonous islanders, there are operators of the global tourist industry, international drug dealers, fishing ships from Asia and Europe, petrol companies, as well as transnational environmental organisations on the islands who seek to obtain specific rights to access the islands’ resources, be it oil, fishing grounds, beaches, biospheres, or hiding places. All newcomers, however, bring differing legal perceptions to the islands. The article argues that the confrontation of autochthonous legal norms with allochthonous conceptions affects morally protected boundaries between various spheres of exchange, leading to crises of trust, misunderstandings and mutual accusations of immorality. On the archipelago, local groups actively cope with these global challenges by claims for the re-establishment of “neo-traditional” rights on land and fishing grounds, which are not only directed against newcomers, but are also prone to bring about changes within the age-class society of the Bijagós
