Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Zachód jako punkt odniesienia rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej
Get PDFThe West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked „Where are you heading, Russia?” she is going to keep answering „Westwards” for a long time to come.The West has been one of the most significant reference criteria for the Russian political, historical or ideological thought. The reason for this is that Russian identity has been shaped mainly by virtue of comparison to the West. Therefore, Russian self-reflection is always assessed by means of Russian relation to the West. This relation has assumed various dimensions in different times, yet it has always ranged from utter admiration for the Western civilization to extreme disapproval of its achievements. At present Russia no longer develops her relations with theWest on the fragile foundations of ideology that has been substituted by the factors of national interest or higher necessity. Therefore it seems that when asked „Where are you heading, Russia?” she is going to keep answering „Westwards” for a long time to come
Sąjudis a Partia Komunistyczna Litwy
No full textThe paper describes in detail the Lithuanian path to independence, concentrating on the role of the Sàjûdis party and its relations with the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL). The CPL leaders had been observing the activity of Sàjûdis with anxiety since its very beginning. The party, founded on October 22, 1988 was in favor of the restoration of the Lithuanian state. Consequently, the victory of Sàjûdis in the election of February 24, 1990 accelerated the activities leading to the proclamation of Lithuanian independence. On March 12 the Second Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR was to commence in Moscow, where the USSR President was to be elected and the Law on secession from the USSR was to be enacted that could have made it impossible for the Lithuanian republic to depart from the USSR. Therefore the session of the newly elected Supreme Council was scheduled to commence on March 10, 1990. It was then that the Supreme Council passed the Law on the Name and National Emblem which officially promulgated the country’s name as the Republic of Lithuania, and reintroduced the historic emblem depicting a mounted knight: Vytis. By this token, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian Socialist Soviet Republic was transformed to become the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, via an intermediary Lithuanian Supreme Council. What followed was the proclamation of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania Act on the Re-establishment of the State of Lithuania. By this token the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania proclaimed that the execution of the sovereign powers of the State of Lithuania, „abolished by foreign forces in 1940”, was re-established, and henceforth Lithuania became an independent state.The paper describes in detail the Lithuanian path to independence, concentrating on the role of the Sàjûdis party and its relations with the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL). The CPL leaders had been observing the activity of Sàjûdis with anxiety since its very beginning. The party, founded on October 22, 1988 was in favor of the restoration of the Lithuanian state. Consequently, the victory of Sàjûdis in the election of February 24, 1990 accelerated the activities leading to the proclamation of Lithuanian independence. On March 12 the Second Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR was to commence in Moscow, where the USSR President was to be elected and the Law on secession from the USSR was to be enacted that could have made it impossible for the Lithuanian republic to depart from the USSR. Therefore the session of the newly elected Supreme Council was scheduled to commence on March 10, 1990. It was then that the Supreme Council passed the Law on the Name and National Emblem which officially promulgated the country’s name as the Republic of Lithuania, and reintroduced the historic emblem depicting a mounted knight: Vytis. By this token, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian Socialist Soviet Republic was transformed to become the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania, via an intermediary Lithuanian Supreme Council. What followed was the proclamation of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania Act on the Re-establishment of the State of Lithuania. By this token the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania proclaimed that the execution of the sovereign powers of the State of Lithuania, „abolished by foreign forces in 1940”, was re-established, and henceforth Lithuania became an independent state
Regulacje prawne postępowania antydumpingowego w Polsce w świetle przystąpienia do Unii Europejskiej
Get PDFPassing of the Law of December 11, 1997 on protection of the Polish customs zone from the merchandise imported at dumping prices (Journal of Law 1997, no. 157, section 1028) raised considerable controversy among economists and stimulated a discussion on the principle of anti-dumping regulations coming into force as Poland was about to access the European Union. The paper discusses the Polish anti-dumping regulations stipulated in the above Law of December 11, 1997 that were binding until the accession day and the changes introduced with respect to anti-dumping regulations following Poland’s accession to the European Union.Passing of the Law of December 11, 1997 on protection of the Polish customs zone from the merchandise imported at dumping prices (Journal of Law 1997, no. 157, section 1028) raised considerable controversy among economists and stimulated a discussion on the principle of anti-dumping regulations coming into force as Poland was about to access the European Union. The paper discusses the Polish anti-dumping regulations stipulated in the above Law of December 11, 1997 that were binding until the accession day and the changes introduced with respect to anti-dumping regulations following Poland’s accession to the European Union
Budowa podstaw systemu partyjnego współczesnej Rosji
Get PDFThe party system is only shaping in contemporary Russia. The process commenced in 1990 when the change of the Constitution provided for free establishment of political parties in Russia. Banning of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union resulted in numerous new parties emerging with an ambition of becoming a dominating party in Russian politics. These attempts failed to succeed. Dynamic development of political organizations was related to democratic election procedures. Quantitative development was not conducive for the stability of political stage. Dispersed, insignificant political parties were not an efficient instrument of political influence. There were numerous attempts to consolidate the groups of similar political platforms, yet they did not generated expected results. Even the most important political campaigns related to parliamentary or presidential elections were unable to consolidate political parties in Russia. The absence of a clear parliamentary majority as well as dispersion and a clearly confrontational policy of the parties was conducive for increasingly stronger presidential authority. The lack of a clear party system resulted in a failed attempt to restore the former political system. In 1992–1993 attempts were made to provide political support for the so-called reformatory government. They failed to generate any permanent organizational solutions. Political elite was unable to consolidate either around the strategic objectives or around their leaders. In the initial period of democracy shaping in Russia a party system did not provide any support for this democracy. It was rather its caricature.The party system is only shaping in contemporary Russia. The process commenced in 1990 when the change of the Constitution provided for free establishment of political parties in Russia. Banning of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union resulted in numerous new parties emerging with an ambition of becoming a dominating party in Russian politics. These attempts failed to succeed. Dynamic development of political organizations was related to democratic election procedures. Quantitative development was not conducive for the stability of political stage. Dispersed, insignificant political parties were not an efficient instrument of political influence. There were numerous attempts to consolidate the groups of similar political platforms, yet they did not generated expected results. Even the most important political campaigns related to parliamentary or presidential elections were unable to consolidate political parties in Russia. The absence of a clear parliamentary majority as well as dispersion and a clearly confrontational policy of the parties was conducive for increasingly stronger presidential authority. The lack of a clear party system resulted in a failed attempt to restore the former political system. In 1992–1993 attempts were made to provide political support for the so-called reformatory government. They failed to generate any permanent organizational solutions. Political elite was unable to consolidate either around the strategic objectives or around their leaders. In the initial period of democracy shaping in Russia a party system did not provide any support for this democracy. It was rather its caricature
Литовский путь к демократии
No full textW 2004 roku kraje bałtyckie zostaną pełnoprawnymi członkami Unii Europejskiej. Ich „powrót do Europy” rozpoczął się w 1991, jednakże początkowo, inaczej niż w krajach Europy Środkowej, towarzyszyło mu nasilenie nastrojów nacjonalistycznych związanych z obawami przed utraceniem dopiero co narodzonej niepodległości. W Estonii i na Łotwie lęki te związane były przede wszystkim z obecnością znaczącej mniejszości rosyjskiej, natomiast na Litwie wynikały głównie z podejrzliwości i wrogości nowej prawicowej elity politycznej wobec dawnych komunistów. Litewski ruch narodowościowy był najbardziej radykalnym ruchem w państwach nadbałtyckich.Wynikało to z nacjonalistycznych nastrojów okresu międzywojennego oraz autorytarnych tendencji, których kulminacją był reżim Smetonów. Tendencje takie zaprzeczały idei „powrotu do Europy”, nierozerwalnie związanego z pełną demokratyzacją życia politycznego. W celu osiągnięcia pełnej integracji z nową Europą Litwini musieli przezwyciężyć te tendencje swoich elit rządzących, co pozwoliło im wywalczyć niepodległość. Stanowi to w wielu aspektach wyjaśnienie triumfalnego zwycięstwa, jakie w 1992 roku odniosła Demokratyczna Partia Pracy (późniejsza Partia Socjaldemokratyczna), której przewodził dawny komunista, oraz porażki narodowych demokratów (pierwszej z serii demokratycznych zmian u sterów Litwy) będących ważnym krokiem w kierunku stworzenia dojrzałej i stabilnej demokracji wiodącej do Europy.W 2004 roku kraje bałtyckie zostaną pełnoprawnymi członkami Unii Europejskiej. Ich „powrót do Europy” rozpoczął się w 1991, jednakże początkowo, inaczej niż w krajach Europy Środkowej, towarzyszyło mu nasilenie nastrojów nacjonalistycznych związanych z obawami przed utraceniem dopiero co narodzonej niepodległości. W Estonii i na Łotwie lęki te związane były przede wszystkim z obecnością znaczącej mniejszości rosyjskiej, natomiast na Litwie wynikały głównie z podejrzliwości i wrogości nowej prawicowej elity politycznej wobec dawnych komunistów. Litewski ruch narodowościowy był najbardziej radykalnym ruchem w państwach nadbałtyckich.Wynikało to z nacjonalistycznych nastrojów okresu międzywojennego oraz autorytarnych tendencji, których kulminacją był reżim Smetonów. Tendencje takie zaprzeczały idei „powrotu do Europy”, nierozerwalnie związanego z pełną demokratyzacją życia politycznego. W celu osiągnięcia pełnej integracji z nową Europą Litwini musieli przezwyciężyć te tendencje swoich elit rządzących, co pozwoliło im wywalczyć niepodległość. Stanowi to w wielu aspektach wyjaśnienie triumfalnego zwycięstwa, jakie w 1992 roku odniosła Demokratyczna Partia Pracy (późniejsza Partia Socjaldemokratyczna), której przewodził dawny komunista, oraz porażki narodowych demokratów (pierwszej z serii demokratycznych zmian u sterów Litwy) będących ważnym krokiem w kierunku stworzenia dojrzałej i stabilnej demokracji wiodącej do Europy
Kulturowa teoria kapitalizmu
Get PDFThe paper is an extensive critique of a book by P.L. Berger, entitled The Capitalist Revolution and devoted to the non-economic conditions of capitalism spreading throughout the world. The author reflects on the issue whether the research method presented in the book, written at the time of confrontation between capitalism and socialism, remains efficient in the contemporary world facing quite different challenges. The answer is negative, as the author proves that Berger proposed an interesting idea of researching the so-called economic culture, but he failed to develop it as he neglected appropriate definitions. Consequently, Berger’s considerations devoted to the peculiarity of Western European culture are narrowed to the historic analyses of the influence of religion and social myths on common awareness. The author of the paper rejects the suggestion that the tension between the traditional middle class and intellectuals may threaten the vitality of capitalism.The paper is an extensive critique of a book by P.L. Berger, entitled The Capitalist Revolution and devoted to the non-economic conditions of capitalism spreading throughout the world. The author reflects on the issue whether the research method presented in the book, written at the time of confrontation between capitalism and socialism, remains efficient in the contemporary world facing quite different challenges. The answer is negative, as the author proves that Berger proposed an interesting idea of researching the so-called economic culture, but he failed to develop it as he neglected appropriate definitions. Consequently, Berger’s considerations devoted to the peculiarity of Western European culture are narrowed to the historic analyses of the influence of religion and social myths on common awareness. The author of the paper rejects the suggestion that the tension between the traditional middle class and intellectuals may threaten the vitality of capitalism
Mienie i nadzór samorządu stanowego wsi piastowskiej
Get PDFAs a result of expansion of the feudal system, as well as due to an intensified process of colonization and economical and legal transformations, at the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries there were formed estate representative institutions. The local estate countryside administration was established as a direct consequence of the fact that some of the rights of the landowners were transferred onto communal units. The functioning of the local countryside administration was limited by law and monitored by the state authorities. Its salaries resulted partly from the concession on the part of a land proprietor, partly from the contemporaneous customary case law. The local countryside administration did not own any property as such; it could only be lent under the law of common use. The control of the local countryside authorities was based on a legally sanctioned constraint. The criterion for the supervision of this institution was its compliance with the legal norms, particularly with a location document of a given country commune.As a result of expansion of the feudal system, as well as due to an intensified process of colonization and economical and legal transformations, at the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries there were formed estate representative institutions. The local estate countryside administration was established as a direct consequence of the fact that some of the rights of the landowners were transferred onto communal units. The functioning of the local countryside administration was limited by law and monitored by the state authorities. Its salaries resulted partly from the concession on the part of a land proprietor, partly from the contemporaneous customary case law. The local countryside administration did not own any property as such; it could only be lent under the law of common use. The control of the local countryside authorities was based on a legally sanctioned constraint. The criterion for the supervision of this institution was its compliance with the legal norms, particularly with a location document of a given country commune
Władza i prawo. Studium z hermeneutyki politycznej
No full textPolitical position of the Catholic Church in Poland, eclectic nature of constitutional principles of the 1997 Constitution as well as persistent attempts made to acknowledge the Christian character of the European Union pose a question about the actual meaning of Christian values as well as their attitude to democratic values and principles. Addressing this question the author analyzes the notion of authority and law in the Old and New Testament. He refers to the authoritarian interpretation of these notions in Catholicism and in particular to the secondary and inferior commandment of loving ones’ neighbor, which is subordinated to the commandment of unconditional subjection to the Highest Authority.Political position of the Catholic Church in Poland, eclectic nature of constitutional principles of the 1997 Constitution as well as persistent attempts made to acknowledge the Christian character of the European Union pose a question about the actual meaning of Christian values as well as their attitude to democratic values and principles. Addressing this question the author analyzes the notion of authority and law in the Old and New Testament. He refers to the authoritarian interpretation of these notions in Catholicism and in particular to the secondary and inferior commandment of loving ones’ neighbor, which is subordinated to the commandment of unconditional subjection to the Highest Authority
Problem uchodźców i migracji w optyce Deklaracji Haskiej z 2002 r.
Get PDFThe problem of fugitives, migrants and internally displaced persons constitutes one of the more important issues in internal politics of individual states as well as in international relations. An attempt to establish the principles and set directions for such a policy is expressed in the Hague Declaration, adopted in 2002 as motioned for by the Dutch local chapter of the Society for International Development (SID). The paper presents and reviews the contents of the Declaration, which emphasizes the responsibility of states for the situation of refugees and migrants and the need to establish the principles of such a policy. It also refers to the problems of regulated and non-regulated migration, the issue of assimilation, integration, the law of migrants to return and the duties of state institutions, local governments, religious organizations and social institutions in the reception countries. The Declaration addresses political and economic reasons for migration and it emphasizes that the work of fugitives and migrants does not only bring benefits to them, but also to the reception countries and families in the homeland. The Declaration pays particular attention to children and female refugees and to the need for specific regulations in this respect. It refers to human rights while observing the inertia and lack of concepts of specialized international agencies