Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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    Reklama społeczna w Polsce po 1989 roku

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    Advocacy advertising is a special form of communication. There are opinions that its very definition is oxymoronic in nature. Its tools and methods are drawn from the repertoire of commercial marketing, yet the goals and the message are lofty and noble. The differences between commercial and advocacy advertising are subtle as they refer to the fundamental principles and measures of efficiency. The approach to strategy planning and creating the message of advocacy advertising is not professional in Poland. Advertising agencies do not employ social psychologists. The errors that emerge as a result are reflected in low efficiency of the messages. Advocacy advertising is a tool of sociotechnology. Its purpose is to shape the socially desirable attitudes and behaviors. Even the best intentions of the authors and orderers of advertising, however, cannot overcome the obstacle of limited budgets allocated to the socially committed marketing.Advocacy advertising is a special form of communication. There are opinions that its very definition is oxymoronic in nature. Its tools and methods are drawn from the repertoire of commercial marketing, yet the goals and the message are lofty and noble. The differences between commercial and advocacy advertising are subtle as they refer to the fundamental principles and measures of efficiency. The approach to strategy planning and creating the message of advocacy advertising is not professional in Poland. Advertising agencies do not employ social psychologists. The errors that emerge as a result are reflected in low efficiency of the messages. Advocacy advertising is a tool of sociotechnology. Its purpose is to shape the socially desirable attitudes and behaviors. Even the best intentions of the authors and orderers of advertising, however, cannot overcome the obstacle of limited budgets allocated to the socially committed marketing

    Ograniczenia niezależności w układzie dziennikarz – redaktor naczelny – wydawca (właściciel) w prasie lokalnej

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    Financial standing of a newspaper is decisive for journalist freedom and independence. It may be observed in the journalistic reality of local newspapers, particularly of those privately owned, that financial matters usually predominate over journalistic ethics. Such practice overshadows the apparently noncommercial nature of the press that is emphasized by the editorial office. Most titles make an overt reference to their independence and stimulating role. The latter is most likely to refer to the influence the press exerts on the public awareness, which contradicts the commercial purposes. In contrast to private newspapers, the titles owned or subsidized by local governments are not profit-oriented. The journalists in such newspapers frequently work pro publico bono and are not remunerated for their work. It is essential for such editorial teams that the society approves the institutions their newspapers represent.Financial standing of a newspaper is decisive for journalist freedom and independence. It may be observed in the journalistic reality of local newspapers, particularly of those privately owned, that financial matters usually predominate over journalistic ethics. Such practice overshadows the apparently noncommercial nature of the press that is emphasized by the editorial office. Most titles make an overt reference to their independence and stimulating role. The latter is most likely to refer to the influence the press exerts on the public awareness, which contradicts the commercial purposes. In contrast to private newspapers, the titles owned or subsidized by local governments are not profit-oriented. The journalists in such newspapers frequently work pro publico bono and are not remunerated for their work. It is essential for such editorial teams that the society approves the institutions their newspapers represent

    Ireneusz Topolski, Siła militarna w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej

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    Telewizyjna kampania referendalna jako arena rywalizacji politycznej. Referendum unijne w Polsce w 2003 r.

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    Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland’s accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture.Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland’s accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture

    Krytyczny pluralizm w mediach, czyli kilka uwag o kapitale idei

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    The considerations on the subject of this paper are divided into three parts. The first one relates the problems of the media to the notion of communication activity, as understood by Hamermas, that does not merely constitute an accidental element of social praxis, but is a key instrument of potential shaping of the desirable quality of this praxis in the modern society. The second part discusses the nonidentity of the multitude as status quo and pluralism as the idea that organizes the use of this multitude. This is done by means of Popper’s juxtaposition of the radically pluralistic principle of freedom in the selection of the content with the idea of critical pluralism. Finally, the third part of the analysis focuses on the capital of ideas as a certain reservoir of higher values that may also organize the everyday practice of the media, provided that the media people are willing to take advantage of this capital. This appears not to be easy given the pop cultural pressure for political digestibility and economic efficiency of the media product.The considerations on the subject of this paper are divided into three parts. The first one relates the problems of the media to the notion of communication activity, as understood by Hamermas, that does not merely constitute an accidental element of social praxis, but is a key instrument of potential shaping of the desirable quality of this praxis in the modern society. The second part discusses the nonidentity of the multitude as status quo and pluralism as the idea that organizes the use of this multitude. This is done by means of Popper’s juxtaposition of the radically pluralistic principle of freedom in the selection of the content with the idea of critical pluralism. Finally, the third part of the analysis focuses on the capital of ideas as a certain reservoir of higher values that may also organize the everyday practice of the media, provided that the media people are willing to take advantage of this capital. This appears not to be easy given the pop cultural pressure for political digestibility and economic efficiency of the media product

    Internet a społeczeństwo otwarte

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    The author questions the relations between two developmental aspects of a modern society based on the assumption that Poland faces the necessity of building an information society and an open society. In his opinion an information society cannot be created without the establishment and reinforcement of an open society which would provide the foundations and reference point for the information society. This is not possible unless the attitude to education and knowledge, including the knowledge of the media, changes, particularly in a society that needs to transform within two dimensions and evolve from a rural and industrial society to an information one and from a closed one to an open one. An information society may only be an open one provided that it offers alternative solutions to transactional society and its mass culture.The author questions the relations between two developmental aspects of a modern society based on the assumption that Poland faces the necessity of building an information society and an open society. In his opinion an information society cannot be created without the establishment and reinforcement of an open society which would provide the foundations and reference point for the information society. This is not possible unless the attitude to education and knowledge, including the knowledge of the media, changes, particularly in a society that needs to transform within two dimensions and evolve from a rural and industrial society to an information one and from a closed one to an open one. An information society may only be an open one provided that it offers alternative solutions to transactional society and its mass culture

    Epifenomenalny i istotowy wymiar muzyki w polityce

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    The history of music has taken account of the part music has played in political processes and in particular of its epiphenomenal aspect. If any connection between music and politics is perceived at all, the role of music in politics is demonstrated to be auxiliary and accessory. Music is well known for its extreme efficiency in creating moods and, as a consequence, in creating opinions and attitudes. Therefore its role in politics is usually associated with the support for the cult of the authority in autocratic regimes and with indoctrination of all sorts. The function of music is reduced to that of providing an emotional atmosphere conducive for the transfer and reinforcement of certain ideologies in social awareness. On the other hand, it is observed that mass demonstrative opposition against imposed ideologies is also frequently expressed by means of music.The history of music has taken account of the part music has played in political processes and in particular of its epiphenomenal aspect. If any connection between music and politics is perceived at all, the role of music in politics is demonstrated to be auxiliary and accessory. Music is well known for its extreme efficiency in creating moods and, as a consequence, in creating opinions and attitudes. Therefore its role in politics is usually associated with the support for the cult of the authority in autocratic regimes and with indoctrination of all sorts. The function of music is reduced to that of providing an emotional atmosphere conducive for the transfer and reinforcement of certain ideologies in social awareness. On the other hand, it is observed that mass demonstrative opposition against imposed ideologies is also frequently expressed by means of music

    Fedir Zastawnyj, Witold Kusiński, Ukraina. Przyroda – Ludność- Gospodarka

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    Podmiotowość jako transcendencja. Przyczynek do definicji podmiotowości politycznej

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    To define political subjectiveness as a purpose-oriented activity brings about the obliteration of differences between authoritarian policy and liberal-and-democratic policy, as well as between an authoritarian and liberal-and-democratic definition of politics. The authors of the paper considered it justified to move from the common comprehension of subjectiveness to its metaphysical aspect, and to positioning it in the realm of philosophical transcedency. This required them to determine the difference between a philosophical and religious meaning of tanscendency. This difference is demonstrated in the article.To define political subjectiveness as a purpose-oriented activity brings about the obliteration of differences between authoritarian policy and liberal-and-democratic policy, as well as between an authoritarian and liberal-and-democratic definition of politics. The authors of the paper considered it justified to move from the common comprehension of subjectiveness to its metaphysical aspect, and to positioning it in the realm of philosophical transcedency. This required them to determine the difference between a philosophical and religious meaning of tanscendency. This difference is demonstrated in the article

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