Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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The Comparison of the Finnish Security Policy in 1990 and 2002
Get PDFPrzedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest porównanie polityki bezpieczeństwa Finlandii w przełomowym dla Europy roku 1990 oraz w roku 2002. Analizie poddano osiem czynników, na których podstawie można określić czy oraz jakim zmianom jakościowym uległa owa polityka. Są to: 1) relacje z EWG/UE, 2) stosunek wobec Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego, 3) udział w operacjach utrzymania pokoju, 4) relacje z ZSRR/Federacją Rosyjską, 5) współpraca z innymi państwami nordyckimi, 6) stosunki z państwami bałtyckimi powstałymi w wyniku rozpadu ZSRR, 7) polityka neutralności oraz 8) niezaangażowanie. Należy zaznaczć, iż choć powyższy katalog jest zapewne niepełny, to obejmuje najważniejsze czynniki, jakie należy wziąć pod uwagę w przypadku Finlandii. W pierwszej części przedstawiono tło historyczne oraz kształt fińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa w 1990 roku, natomiast w drugiej – w 2002 roku. Wyniki, właściwe dla obu momentów, zostały porównane w podsumowaniu, celem ustalenia ilości oraz jakości zmian, które zaszły w ciągu dwunastu lat. W obrębie sześciu spośród ośmiu wyżej wymienionych czynników odnotowano znaczące zmiany. Na ich podstawie można stwierdzić, iż polityka bezpieczeństwa Finlandii uległa przeorientowaniu z neutralnej w 1990 roku na wyraźnie prozachodnią w roku 2002.Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest porównanie polityki bezpieczeństwa Finlandii w przełomowym dla Europy roku 1990 oraz w roku 2002. Analizie poddano osiem czynników, na których podstawie można określić czy oraz jakim zmianom jakościowym uległa owa polityka. Są to: 1) relacje z EWG/UE, 2) stosunek wobec Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego, 3) udział w operacjach utrzymania pokoju, 4) relacje z ZSRR/Federacją Rosyjską, 5) współpraca z innymi państwami nordyckimi, 6) stosunki z państwami bałtyckimi powstałymi w wyniku rozpadu ZSRR, 7) polityka neutralności oraz 8) niezaangażowanie. Należy zaznaczć, iż choć powyższy katalog jest zapewne niepełny, to obejmuje najważniejsze czynniki, jakie należy wziąć pod uwagę w przypadku Finlandii. W pierwszej części przedstawiono tło historyczne oraz kształt fińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa w 1990 roku, natomiast w drugiej – w 2002 roku. Wyniki, właściwe dla obu momentów, zostały porównane w podsumowaniu, celem ustalenia ilości oraz jakości zmian, które zaszły w ciągu dwunastu lat. W obrębie sześciu spośród ośmiu wyżej wymienionych czynników odnotowano znaczące zmiany. Na ich podstawie można stwierdzić, iż polityka bezpieczeństwa Finlandii uległa przeorientowaniu z neutralnej w 1990 roku na wyraźnie prozachodnią w roku 2002
ОТ мрака «нормализации» к миражу демократизации: к вопросу о «бархатном» разводе Чехов и Словаков
No full textThe subject of the considerations is the Czechoslovak „Velvet Revolution” and in particular its influence on the decomposition of Czechoslovak statehood. In the very title, the adjective „velvet” does not relate to the „revolution” but to a (civilized) „divorce” of the Czechs from the Slovaks. The influence the opposition exerted on the establishment of two separate states is assessed as the events of the „Velvet Revolution” were supposed to solve one of the most acute problems of the 75-year-old organism. Since the „Prague Spring” of 1968 and „socialism with a human face” there have existed realistic proposals on how to normalize the coexistence of the Czechs and theSlovaks within a single state – the „Spring” was to bring the elements of market economy and independence as well as to redefine the issues of a federation state. The events of the last 25 years in Czechoslovakia are analyzed from this perspective: the activity of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia prior to the invasion of the Warsaw Pact forces, maintenance of „Charter 77”, later (Czechoslovak) Democratic Initiative and the Club for Socialist Reconstruction (as well as the Civic Forum) until the collapse of 1993, which was opposed by both Havel and Czarnogursky until the very end.The subject of the considerations is the Czechoslovak „Velvet Revolution” and in particular its influence on the decomposition of Czechoslovak statehood. In the very title, the adjective „velvet” does not relate to the „revolution” but to a (civilized) „divorce” of the Czechs from the Slovaks. The influence the opposition exerted on the establishment of two separate states is assessed as the events of the „Velvet Revolution” were supposed to solve one of the most acute problems of the 75-year-old organism. Since the „Prague Spring” of 1968 and „socialism with a human face” there have existed realistic proposals on how to normalize the coexistence of the Czechs and the Slovaks within a single state – the „Spring” was to bring the elements of market economy and independence as well as to redefine the issues of a federation state. The events of the last 25 years in Czechoslovakia are analyzed from this perspective: the activity of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia prior to the invasion of the Warsaw Pact forces, maintenance of „Charter 77”, later (Czechoslovak) Democratic Initiative and the Club for Socialist Reconstruction (as well as the Civic Forum) until the collapse of 1993, which was opposed by both Havel and Czarnogursky until the very end
Anomia czasów transformacji – refleksje w perspektywie deprywacji potrzeby bezpieczeństwa osobistego i prawnego
Get PDFThe article describes the phenomenon of anomy in a society undergoing cultural, political and economic transformations. In a period of rapid change this problem is particularly significant for Polish society, especially in the situation of a crisis of values and deep decomposition of a valid system of social, moral and legal norms. The collective sense (or lack of sense) of legal and personal safety determines social attitudes to a newly established political and legal order. Strong and long-lasting deprivation of the need for safety, characteristic of the present Polish reality, results in many different pathologies in the activities of individuals, and in a long-term perspective of non-individual aberrations, and in consequence in the state of anomy, which overwhelms the whole society.The article describes the phenomenon of anomy in a society undergoing cultural, political and economic transformations. In a period of rapid change this problem is particularly significant for Polish society, especially in the situation of a crisis of values and deep decomposition of a valid system of social, moral and legal norms. The collective sense (or lack of sense) of legal and personal safety determines social attitudes to a newly established political and legal order. Strong and long-lasting deprivation of the need for safety, characteristic of the present Polish reality, results in many different pathologies in the activities of individuals, and in a long-term perspective of non-individual aberrations, and in consequence in the state of anomy, which overwhelms the whole society
Referendum jako forma udziału obywateli w kierowaniu sprawami publicznymi
Get PDFReferendum is a form of direct democracy providing citizens with an opportunity to express their views with reference to the subject of the vote and which concerns either an entire state or its part. The establishment and shaping of this institution was mainly influenced by the social and political doctrine of J. J. Rousseau, stipulated in his treaty ‘The Social Contract’. His concepts of ‘general will’ and ‘supremacy of the people’ are the conceptual foundations of referendum. In Europe it is Switzerland where referenda are held most often and it is called the ‘fatherland of referendum’. France is another European state with relatively extensive experience in holding referenda. In Poland, on the other hand, this process does not have a considerable tradition. There were only five national referenda held up to 2003. By virtue of referendum constitutions are passed and prominent issues of social life, such as abortion, are solved. This procedure is also extensively applied in the process of European integration. Referendum allows citizens to become involved in the process of political decision making. It also serves a purpose of providing better information and education to citizens and teaches them joint responsibility for public matters.Referendum is a form of direct democracy providing citizens with an opportunity to express their views with reference to the subject of the vote and which concerns either an entire state or its part. The establishment and shaping of this institution was mainly influenced by the social and political doctrine of J. J. Rousseau, stipulated in his treaty ‘The Social Contract’. His concepts of ‘general will’ and ‘supremacy of the people’ are the conceptual foundations of referendum. In Europe it is Switzerland where referenda are held most often and it is called the ‘fatherland of referendum’. France is another European state with relatively extensive experience in holding referenda. In Poland, on the other hand, this process does not have a considerable tradition. There were only five national referenda held up to 2003. By virtue of referendum constitutions are passed and prominent issues of social life, such as abortion, are solved. This procedure is also extensively applied in the process of European integration. Referendum allows citizens to become involved in the process of political decision making. It also serves a purpose of providing better information and education to citizens and teaches them joint responsibility for public matters
Białoruskie ośrodki masowej informacji – kryzys permanentny?
No full textThe paper describes the Belarussian legal system with reference to the mass media. The author attempts to track the evolution of the fundamental law as well as that of acts, decrees and ordinances that led to an authoritarian press system (according to the theory of Siebert, Schramm and Peterson) to emerge in Belarus. Legal acts were treated in an increasingly instrumental way that became particularly obvious in the above-mentioned realm of the media. This applied both to the stage of their emergence and management. The main principle of this tendency was the profound influence the media exert on peoples’ attitudes. The moment Alexander Lukashenka assumed the position of President of the Republic, he has started to impose the state control over the whole spectrum of relations within the society. The mass media have been among the first victims as their impact on the society was well evidenced. The authorities have not yet completely succeeded in subordinating the mass media to the state propaganda mechanisms; however there are unequivocal indications what the ultimate results the policy that has been consistently implemented since 1995 will bring. There are fewer than ten independent editorial offices in Belarus at present...The paper describes the Belarussian legal system with reference to the mass media. The author attempts to track the evolution of the fundamental law as well as that of acts, decrees and ordinances that led to an authoritarian press system (according to the theory of Siebert, Schramm and Peterson) to emerge in Belarus. Legal acts were treated in an increasingly instrumental way that became particularly obvious in the above-mentioned realm of the media. This applied both to the stage of their emergence and management. The main principle of this tendency was the profound influence the media exert on peoples’ attitudes. The moment Alexander Lukashenka assumed the position of President of the Republic, he has started to impose the state control over the whole spectrum of relations within the society. The mass media have been among the first victims as their impact on the society was well evidenced. The authorities have not yet completely succeeded in subordinating the mass media to the state propaganda mechanisms; however there are unequivocal indications what the ultimate results the policy that has been consistently implemented since 1995 will bring. There are fewer than ten independent editorial offices in Belarus at present...
Ilościowe i jakościowe przeobrażenia prasy lokalnej w Polsce w latach 90. XX wieku
No full textThis paper analyzes the transformation of the Polish local press in the 1990’s. The author begins by outlining the situation of both the legal and the underground press in the 1980’s. He describes the political, social, economic and legal determiners of the transformation and the main factors affecting the changes of that time. Next he analyzes the quantitative growth in the number of titles, their frequency, circulation and range as well as the profiles of their publishers. Finally, he discusses the most significant aspects of transformation of the local press, including the issue of concentration and monopolization of the local press, competition between the publishers and the influence of technology and IT in particular on these media. The author also observes the adverse changes of the media related to the increasingly common brutality and vulgarity of the language.This paper analyzes the transformation of the Polish local press in the 1990’s. The author begins by outlining the situation of both the legal and the underground press in the 1980’s. He describes the political, social, economic and legal determiners of the transformation and the main factors affecting the changes of that time. Next he analyzes the quantitative growth in the number of titles, their frequency, circulation and range as well as the profiles of their publishers. Finally, he discusses the most significant aspects of transformation of the local press, including the issue of concentration and monopolization of the local press, competition between the publishers and the influence of technology and IT in particular on these media. The author also observes the adverse changes of the media related to the increasingly common brutality and vulgarity of the language
Ewolucja pejzażu audiowizualnego we Francji
Get PDFTelevision in France has been a significant element of public life. A majority of governments in the 4th and 5th Republics aimed to control audiovisual information. Television was present even before WWII, yet it could not develop. After the war its progress was inhibited by the long-term monopoly of the state. As the political forces were changing, so were the organizations controlling television. Due to the reforms of the 1980’s two sectors emerged in France: the state owned sector and the privately owned sector. At present the audiovisual landscape of France is made up of the public sector, incorporating French Television with channels F2 and F3, ARTE, TV5 and Canal France International, and a private sector with Canal Plus (Canal + since 1984), M6, La Cinquieme and TF1. Since its privatization of nearly twenty years ago, TF1 has been the leading channel.Television in France has been a significant element of public life. A majority of governments in the 4th and 5th Republics aimed to control audiovisual information. Television was present even before WWII, yet it could not develop. After the war its progress was inhibited by the long-term monopoly of the state. As the political forces were changing, so were the organizations controlling television. Due to the reforms of the 1980’s two sectors emerged in France: the state owned sector and the privately owned sector. At present the audiovisual landscape of France is made up of the public sector, incorporating French Television with channels F2 and F3, ARTE, TV5 and Canal France International, and a private sector with Canal Plus (Canal + since 1984), M6, La Cinquieme and TF1. Since its privatization of nearly twenty years ago, TF1 has been the leading channel
Rolnictwo polskie we Wspólnej Polityce Rolnej Unii Europejskiej, red. nauk. Zdzisław W. Puślecki, Maciej Walkowski
Get PDFDziennikarskie formy sprawozdawczości sądowej
Get PDFThe author conducts a detailed analysis of the contemporary problems pertaining to the issue of reports from the courts of justice which are published in the press, and the announcements about crimes which assume particular importance due to the mass range of the media. Next to personal participation, such reports are an equally important form of executing the principle of public access to trial coverage (including public notification about the course and results of the matter judged). In the conclusion, the author refers to the remarks of judge A. Murzynowski, former President of the Supreme Court Criminal Chamber, who is of the opinion that there is no justice without public access and since the press increases public access to the judiciary, such access to information should be provided in the course of the entire criminal proceedings as long as the rules of criminal procedure are observed. Thus the journalists have to conform to the procedural mode of Polish courts of justice and accept the consequent limitations.The author conducts a detailed analysis of the contemporary problems pertaining to the issue of reports from the courts of justice which are published in the press, and the announcements about crimes which assume particular importance due to the mass range of the media. Next to personal participation, such reports are an equally important form of executing the principle of public access to trial coverage (including public notification about the course and results of the matter judged). In the conclusion, the author refers to the remarks of judge A. Murzynowski, former President of the Supreme Court Criminal Chamber, who is of the opinion that there is no justice without public access and since the press increases public access to the judiciary, such access to information should be provided in the course of the entire criminal proceedings as long as the rules of criminal procedure are observed. Thus the journalists have to conform to the procedural mode of Polish courts of justice and accept the consequent limitations