Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Kobieta trendy – czyli o maltretowaniu ciała
The history of women is the history of the struggle to look attractive, starting with Egyptian wooden pillows that were to protect hairdos, through to Japanese tied-up feet or the lacing of French beauties’ stays, to silicon bags implanted under the skin of breasts. It is interesting that although the canon of beauty has changed, the mechanisms of the phenomenon has remained unchanged throughout the centuries and has been working like well-greased cogs of discipline, flexibility and pain. If one becomes convinced that the body one has is exactly how it should be, one can cut the Gordian knot of a modern Barbie. To understand this always leads to acceptance and, in this case, to the acceptance of one’s own body, and – consequently – of oneself. However, the body has been subjected to the dictates of modern consumption and patriarchal culture, whose sole purpose is a maximum control over the way women act and think.The history of women is the history of the struggle to look attractive, starting with Egyptian wooden pillows that were to protect hairdos, through to Japanese tied-up feet or the lacing of French beauties’ stays, to silicon bags implanted under the skin of breasts. It is interesting that although the canon of beauty has changed, the mechanisms of the phenomenon has remained unchanged throughout the centuries and has been working like well-greased cogs of discipline, flexibility and pain. If one becomes convinced that the body one has is exactly how it should be, one can cut the Gordian knot of a modern Barbie. To understand this always leads to acceptance and, in this case, to the acceptance of one’s own body, and – consequently – of oneself. However, the body has been subjected to the dictates of modern consumption and patriarchal culture, whose sole purpose is a maximum control over the way women act and think
Presja środowiska jako determinanta konsumpcji mediów
The Author analyzes the issues related to the consumption of the media, that is to satisfying a range of human needs by means of media reception. The consequence of this analysis may be expressed in the following way: marketing makes people actually work harder than they should in order to earn more money than they need so that they can buy the products they do not really need for money they do not actually have in order to make an impression on their neighbors they do not even like and who are mainly preoccupied with how to impress them most.The Author analyzes the issues related to the consumption of the media, that is to satisfying a range of human needs by means of media reception. The consequence of this analysis may be expressed in the following way: marketing makes people actually work harder than they should in order to earn more money than they need so that they can buy the products they do not really need for money they do not actually have in order to make an impression on their neighbors they do not even like and who are mainly preoccupied with how to impress them most
Korupcja w III RP – obszary szczególnego występowania
This analysis of the phenomenon of corruption draws the Author to a conclusion that efficient struggle against corruption is futile unless good law is originated and exacted appropriately. This law should be created by competent individuals and on the basis of substantive and credible information eliminating ‘pathological lobbying’. At the same time, politicians who create Polish law need to realize that they are themselves also obliged to observe this law and admit that corruption to a large degree concerns them personally.This analysis of the phenomenon of corruption draws the Author to a conclusion that efficient struggle against corruption is futile unless good law is originated and exacted appropriately. This law should be created by competent individuals and on the basis of substantive and credible information eliminating ‘pathological lobbying’. At the same time, politicians who create Polish law need to realize that they are themselves also obliged to observe this law and admit that corruption to a large degree concerns them personally
Ukraińskie społeczeństwo – społeczeństwem obywatelskim?
Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians.Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians
Электоральные революции как фактор политической модернизации: опыт Чехии и Словакии
This paper discusses the transformation process of political systems in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia following the velvet revolution; the significance of civic society in the self-formation of political orientations and institutions via electoral revolutions is also considered.This paper discusses the transformation process of political systems in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia following the velvet revolution; the significance of civic society in the self-formation of political orientations and institutions via electoral revolutions is also considered
Pomarańczowa Rewolucja na Ukrainie z trockizmem w tle
The recent years of the Trotskyite movement have seen the intensification of two tendencies. The first one involves a new perception of the radical social demands made by the Trotskyite candidates in local, parliamentary and presidential elections. The other one involves the functional incorporation of a broad range of youth and alternative issues into the Trotskyite movement. Similar elements are also present in the program of the Ukrainian Union ‘Struggle’, established in 1999. The ‘Struggle’ shares the opinions on the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the reasons for its failure with all other Trotskyite organizations. It has also developed quite a detailed approach to the issue of Ukrainian independence and the Orange Revolution. In the opinion of Ukrainian Trotskyists V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych represented the clans of oligarchs, who had the single aim of destroying the Ukrainian economy by privatizing national property and stealing what the former government did not manage to take away from the nation. The choice was not between Europe and Russia but between American capital waving a European flag and American capital waving a Russian flag. The ‘Struggle’ assumes though that the Orange Revolution has brought advantages as well: the judiciary is trusted, the nation no longer dreads corrupted bureaucracy and political processes raise social interest. It is doubtful that the nearest future will bring any significant changes in the influence of the Trotskyite movement. It is possible, however, that it will manage to contribute new elements to the growing anti-globalist movement. In terms of the Ukrainian future it may be justifiably assumed that society will become ‘disappointed’ with the new government. Then, radical groups with clear views, such as Trotskyists, are likely to participate in the government.The recent years of the Trotskyite movement have seen the intensification of two tendencies. The first one involves a new perception of the radical social demands made by the Trotskyite candidates in local, parliamentary and presidential elections. The other one involves the functional incorporation of a broad range of youth and alternative issues into the Trotskyite movement. Similar elements are also present in the program of the Ukrainian Union ‘Struggle’, established in 1999. The ‘Struggle’ shares the opinions on the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the reasons for its failure with all other Trotskyite organizations. It has also developed quite a detailed approach to the issue of Ukrainian independence and the Orange Revolution. In the opinion of Ukrainian Trotskyists V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych represented the clans of oligarchs, who had the single aim of destroying the Ukrainian economy by privatizing national property and stealing what the former government did not manage to take away from the nation. The choice was not between Europe and Russia but between American capital waving a European flag and American capital waving a Russian flag. The ‘Struggle’ assumes though that the Orange Revolution has brought advantages as well: the judiciary is trusted, the nation no longer dreads corrupted bureaucracy and political processes raise social interest. It is doubtful that the nearest future will bring any significant changes in the influence of the Trotskyite movement. It is possible, however, that it will manage to contribute new elements to the growing anti-globalist movement. In terms of the Ukrainian future it may be justifiably assumed that society will become ‘disappointed’ with the new government. Then, radical groups with clear views, such as Trotskyists, are likely to participate in the government
Cudowny Kinemo. Rosyjska myśl filmowa, pod red. Tadeusza Szczepańskiego i Bogusława Żyłki
Bartosz Jankowski, W dziesięciolecie Traktatu Polsko-Litewskiego. Relacje międzypaństwowe w ostatniej dekadzie XX w.
Zmiany w stosunkach Rosja–Unia Europejska. Przyczyny i konsekwencje
Analyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USAand that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members.Analyses show that the mutual relations between the EU and Russia are marked by profound pragmatism on the one hand (in Russia) and a certain complex of a powerful neighbor and the fear of political turmoil on the other (in the EU). Russia tries to take advantage of these fears in order to maximize her profits and skillfully oscillates between the policy of the USAand that of EU which both count on the benefits to be obtained from the opening of the Russian market. However, the recently popular Russian alliance with China does not pose an actual alternative for the commercial exchange with Europe. This is due to the abundance of Chinese natural resources and expanding Chinese economy that is looking for sales markets rather than offering its purchasing market. In the long run the Russian alliance with the EU will have to be based on new principles that will restrict financial support by the United Europe that will be required to finance its new members