Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Konstytucja europejska wobec deficytu demokratycznego
Get PDFThe problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community’s’ existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the ‘problem of democracy’ among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state.The problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community’s’ existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the ‘problem of democracy’ among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state
Kobiety w migracjach przesiedleńczych w Peru (1980–2000)
Get PDFThe shock of the lengthy military conflict in Peru changed the demographic, social and cultural outlook of that country. One of the basic elements of this process was uncontrolled mass migration from rural areas to towns, brought about by political violence. Displacement migrations were strongly feminized. Institutional structures that emerged in towns, via women’s self-assistance societies facilitated the migrants’ acclimatization in towns. However, they had to pay a price and to reject their memories of violence by denying the Indian identity of the state and their own. Therefore, these organizations were initially, a significant element of cultural mestization of female migrants. Now it transpires that the same organizations were used by the women and then the assimilated migrants, to exert pressure demanding that the position of women in Peru be changed. Former female migrants, who acquired experience and who, for many years negotiated that their status be acknowledged, had a significantly higher degree of social independence because of their struggle to survive in urban conditions. They were also financially independent and began to successfully demand that their macho environment treat them in a different manner.The shock of the lengthy military conflict in Peru changed the demographic, social and cultural outlook of that country. One of the basic elements of this process was uncontrolled mass migration from rural areas to towns, brought about by political violence. Displacement migrations were strongly feminized. Institutional structures that emerged in towns, via women’s self-assistance societies facilitated the migrants’ acclimatization in towns. However, they had to pay a price and to reject their memories of violence by denying the Indian identity of the state and their own. Therefore, these organizations were initially, a significant element of cultural mestization of female migrants. Now it transpires that the same organizations were used by the women and then the assimilated migrants, to exert pressure demanding that the position of women in Peru be changed. Former female migrants, who acquired experience and who, for many years negotiated that their status be acknowledged, had a significantly higher degree of social independence because of their struggle to survive in urban conditions. They were also financially independent and began to successfully demand that their macho environment treat them in a different manner
Europa między demokracją i zaściankiem
No full textIn the period when ‘our natural political environment’ was provided by controlled ‘socialist democracy’ we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe’s unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy.In the period when ‘our natural political environment’ was provided by controlled ‘socialist democracy’ we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe’s unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy
Wizerunek samorządu terytorialnego w prasie lokalnej
Get PDFThe Author discusses the image of local government emerging from Polish local press, especially in those locations where several titles exist (and continue to operate). For the purpose of the paper two weeklies were selected and analyzed: „Głos Wągrowiecki” and „Tygodnik Wągrowiecki” which have the highest circulation and reach in the Wągrowiec area (powiat). The analysis is based on a sample covering all the issues between July 2002 and June 2003.The Author discusses the image of local government emerging from Polish local press, especially in those locations where several titles exist (and continue to operate). For the purpose of the paper two weeklies were selected and analyzed: „Głos Wągrowiecki” and „Tygodnik Wągrowiecki” which have the highest circulation and reach in the Wągrowiec area (powiat). The analysis is based on a sample covering all the issues between July 2002 and June 2003
Kwestia cypryjska po roku 2004: pojednanie czy podział?
Get PDFHaving outlined the history, and described the Annan Plan and its fiasco in detail, the Author concludes that further maintenance of the status quo, or the division of Cyprus would be unfavorable for thousands of Cypriot Greeks who abandoned their assets in the north of the island in 1974. Despite the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights of December 22, 2005, that was advantageous for them, it is beyond any doubt that their claims would be satisfied earlier were the Cyprus question resolved.Having outlined the history, and described the Annan Plan and its fiasco in detail, the Author concludes that further maintenance of the status quo, or the division of Cyprus would be unfavorable for thousands of Cypriot Greeks who abandoned their assets in the north of the island in 1974. Despite the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights of December 22, 2005, that was advantageous for them, it is beyond any doubt that their claims would be satisfied earlier were the Cyprus question resolved
Transformacja, tranzycja, okres przejścia. Białoruś przełomu wieków
No full textThe terminology developed to serve the needs of stableWestern democracies fails with respect to the republics that emerged following the collapse of the USSR. This may be confirmed by the notion of the ‘grey zone’, assisted democracy, managed democracy or electoral democracy. The Belorussian transition process seems to be work in progress. Its closure would demand that the current state be acknowledged as being stable rather than transitional. Aunanimous assessment is not assisted by the terminological divergence that is indispensably accompanying transformation, transition or the period of transition, as termed in the Russian language, which seems to be the best description of the process. The analysis does not apply the dichotomist approach to democracy, either, where democracy is considered to be either present or absent, since it is impossible to identify the nondemocratic elements of the system unanimously. T. Carothers, who was critical of Huntington’s Third Wave, claims that when the key elements of a political system are appropriately manipulated for the benefit of a heuristic analysis it results in a political system of managed democracy to be a priori acknowledged to be a democratic one. The tools of analysis developed for the needs of stableWestern democracies fail when faced with a new type of personal, party or military dictatorship, or with neoauthoritarianism, understood as authoritarianism altered by the irreversible globalization processes.The terminology developed to serve the needs of stableWestern democracies fails with respect to the republics that emerged following the collapse of the USSR. This may be confirmed by the notion of the ‘grey zone’, assisted democracy, managed democracy or electoral democracy. The Belorussian transition process seems to be work in progress. Its closure would demand that the current state be acknowledged as being stable rather than transitional. Aunanimous assessment is not assisted by the terminological divergence that is indispensably accompanying transformation, transition or the period of transition, as termed in the Russian language, which seems to be the best description of the process. The analysis does not apply the dichotomist approach to democracy, either, where democracy is considered to be either present or absent, since it is impossible to identify the nondemocratic elements of the system unanimously. T. Carothers, who was critical of Huntington’s Third Wave, claims that when the key elements of a political system are appropriately manipulated for the benefit of a heuristic analysis it results in a political system of managed democracy to be a priori acknowledged to be a democratic one. The tools of analysis developed for the needs of stableWestern democracies fail when faced with a new type of personal, party or military dictatorship, or with neoauthoritarianism, understood as authoritarianism altered by the irreversible globalization processes
Przestrzenie egzystencji kobiet w poezji stanu wojennego
Get PDFAportion of Polish culture of the nineteen-eighties, which I will provisionally term the “solidarity culture,” remains neglected by researchers. The culture of this period is usually enclosed in the history of the Polish struggle against the communist system, which is almost exclusively treated in political and sociological terms. The main issue here is its influence on the generation and sustenance of the spirit of resistance, creation of communal conscience, filling the gaps in history, and defalsifying history. These certainly are significant aspects of the solidarity movement activity in the realm of culture, but far from being the only ones. The author is interested in a narrow section of the solidarity culture referring to a specific projection of existence, that is the poetry of martial law with certain indispensable references to former periods- in particular the culture of the workers’ strikes of 1980. The researcher is mainly concerned with women’s experience and roles recorded in the poetry of martial law with respect to opposition.Aportion of Polish culture of the nineteen-eighties, which I will provisionally term the “solidarity culture,” remains neglected by researchers. The culture of this period is usually enclosed in the history of the Polish struggle against the communist system, which is almost exclusively treated in political and sociological terms. The main issue here is its influence on the generation and sustenance of the spirit of resistance, creation of communal conscience, filling the gaps in history, and defalsifying history. These certainly are significant aspects of the solidarity movement activity in the realm of culture, but far from being the only ones. The author is interested in a narrow section of the solidarity culture referring to a specific projection of existence, that is the poetry of martial law with certain indispensable references to former periods- in particular the culture of the workers’ strikes of 1980. The researcher is mainly concerned with women’s experience and roles recorded in the poetry of martial law with respect to opposition
Obraz wroga w antyunijnym dyskursie na łamach czasopisma „Szczerbiec”
Get PDFThe Author analyzes the contents of the Szczerbiec periodical. It is an extremist right-wing, or even neo-Fascist, periodical rightfully present on the Polish editorial market next to other press titles. Its circulation is not high which may signify that the number of its readers tends to be limited and the bond between the sender and recipient is marginal. Although the periodical aims at a determined and devoted group of readers, it is available from common sales outlets. Therefore it is not an incriminated periodical that would provide its readers with the impression of tasting a forbidden fruit.The Author analyzes the contents of the Szczerbiec periodical. It is an extremist right-wing, or even neo-Fascist, periodical rightfully present on the Polish editorial market next to other press titles. Its circulation is not high which may signify that the number of its readers tends to be limited and the bond between the sender and recipient is marginal. Although the periodical aims at a determined and devoted group of readers, it is available from common sales outlets. Therefore it is not an incriminated periodical that would provide its readers with the impression of tasting a forbidden fruit
