Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Teoretyczne i praktyczne ograniczenia implementacji zasad demokratycznych modelu deliberatywnego w Europie Środkowej na przełomie XX i XXI w. – uwagi in statu nascendi
Get PDFThis paper refers to the issue of the forming of societies in former satellite states of totalitarian communism, which turned to the democratic model of political decision- making and exercising authority. The paper is not strictly historical, although it is based on historical materials, nor is it a commentary on current political events. I am trying to show that the implementation of the representational principle in democratic systems of these states creates a loophole in the citizens’ competence and to a certain extent makes its applicability senseless. The citizens, who have so far been equal before the law, are now (theoretically) equal before their representatives. The latter represent concrete groups of citizens who should vote for them on the basis of an electoral system (constituency). The antidote to neutralize the consequences of this apory is provided by the principle of deliberativeness as the tool leading the forming society and its representatives to sovereign political decisions.This paper refers to the issue of the forming of societies in former satellite states of totalitarian communism, which turned to the democratic model of political decision- making and exercising authority. The paper is not strictly historical, although it is based on historical materials, nor is it a commentary on current political events. I am trying to show that the implementation of the representational principle in democratic systems of these states creates a loophole in the citizens’ competence and to a certain extent makes its applicability senseless. The citizens, who have so far been equal before the law, are now (theoretically) equal before their representatives. The latter represent concrete groups of citizens who should vote for them on the basis of an electoral system (constituency). The antidote to neutralize the consequences of this apory is provided by the principle of deliberativeness as the tool leading the forming society and its representatives to sovereign political decisions
E-polis: etyczne dylematy GTI w domenie totarientalności
Get PDFThe author undertakes to the contemporary global economic transformation and the universal middle class being shy this pcess (the notion of the ‘middle class’ is not used in its classic meaning here, and it rather refers to the largest group of people who are well-settled in the e-civilization). In his opinion, this universal middle class is not a homogenous group. He also emphasizes the profound role of the ethical level represented by making up a TIG (Topic Information Group – a group whose task is to collect and store the information which is civilizationally significant and has the properties of scarce resources).The author undertakes to the contemporary global economic transformation and the universal middle class being shy this pcess (the notion of the ‘middle class’ is not used in its classic meaning here, and it rather refers to the largest group of people who are well-settled in the e-civilization). In his opinion, this universal middle class is not a homogenous group. He also emphasizes the profound role of the ethical level represented by making up a TIG (Topic Information Group – a group whose task is to collect and store the information which is civilizationally significant and has the properties of scarce resources)
Maciej Giertych, European Values, Bruxells 2007
Get PDFReview: Maciej Giertych, European Values, Bruxells 2007Recenzja: Maciej Giertych, European Values, Bruxells 200
Tożsamość Białorusinów
No full textBelarussian identity seems to be a regional identity rather than a national one. The process of the emergence of national identity has not yet been completed, and it seems to be taking a different route inWestern Belarussia, in particular in the Grodno region, another one in Minsk, and yet another one in Eastern Belarussia. Therefore, the distinctiveness of Belarussians from the Russians can only be evidenced by folk customs and songs, which are slowly becoming a thing of the past as the older generation passes away. They have become a mere ethnographic curiosity which does not attract much interest among the local audience, anyway.Belarussian identity seems to be a regional identity rather than a national one. The process of the emergence of national identity has not yet been completed, and it seems to be taking a different route inWestern Belarussia, in particular in the Grodno region, another one in Minsk, and yet another one in Eastern Belarussia. Therefore, the distinctiveness of Belarussians from the Russians can only be evidenced by folk customs and songs, which are slowly becoming a thing of the past as the older generation passes away. They have become a mere ethnographic curiosity which does not attract much interest among the local audience, anyway
Tomasz Białek, Terroryzm manipulacja strachem, Wydawnictwo Studio Emka, Warszawa 2005
Get PDFReview: Tomasz Białek, Terroryzm manipulacja strachem, Wydawnictwo Studio Emka, Warszawa 2005Recenzja: Tomasz Białek, Terroryzm manipulacja strachem, Wydawnictwo Studio Emka, Warszawa 200
Polska debata polityczna wobec eurokonstytucji
Get PDFIn the analysis of different attitudes of Polish political groups towards the European Union and the Constitutional Treaty one needs to take into account historical context as well as the political one. It is a spontaneous approach in Poland to think about the Poles in terms of a nation rather than in tzenship. The collapse of communism was followed by an eruption of national feeling, yet many Poles also wanted Poland to open itsEurope. The opportunity to gainss the European Union was, i enst for Poles. The opponents of the EU are fuelled by the sh historical experience of losing our identity. They represent the so-called closed orientation, in which one defends one’ ways while being very distrustful towards the EU. By contrast, an open orientation strives for collaation, seeks cooperation and is trustful European integration. This is reflected in lish political arena.In the analysis of different attitudes of Polish political groups towards the European Union and the Constitutional Treaty one needs to take into account historical context as well as the political one. It is a spontaneous approach in Poland to think about the Poles in terms of a nation rather than in tzenship. The collapse of communism was followed by an eruption of national feeling, yet many Poles also wanted Poland to open itsEurope. The opportunity to gainss the European Union was, i enst for Poles. The opponents of the EU are fuelled by the sh historical experience of losing our identity. They represent the so-called closed orientation, in which one defends one’ ways while being very distrustful towards the EU. By contrast, an open orientation strives for collaation, seeks cooperation and is trustful European integration. This is reflected in lish political arena
Federacja Rosyjska po wyborach do Dumy Państwowej 2007 r.
Get PDFThe elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989.The elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989
Operacje w obszarze Europejskiej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony – uwarunkowania i perspektywy rozwoju
Get PDFThe analysis presented in this paper is based on a research assumption that the process of shaping of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, in particular its defense component, is affected by the dynamically changing influences (of the Member States) within the EU and the influence of the institutional mechanism of the EU and Member States. The shaping of this policy encounters numerous obstacles, the main one being the common political will of Member States, which is necessary for external operations related to the challenges to be met at the EU level.The analysis presented in this paper is based on a research assumption that the process of shaping of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, in particular its defense component, is affected by the dynamically changing influences (of the Member States) within the EU and the influence of the institutional mechanism of the EU and Member States. The shaping of this policy encounters numerous obstacles, the main one being the common political will of Member States, which is necessary for external operations related to the challenges to be met at the EU level
Rola partii i ugrupowań politycznych w wydarzeniach „tulipanowej rewolucji” w Kirgistanie
Get PDFThe activization of political parties, stimulated both by the authorities and opposition, and the use of ‘new’ methods that had not been used before, were an inseparable element of the events of the so-called ‘Tulip Revolution’. This time, the political games of the salon were supplemented by the activity aimed at establishing connections with the electorate. The establishment of youth organizations, working with people and active presence in the media and the Internet became an element of political practice. The ultimate success of the opposition parties was that they broke political apathy and stimulated the belief that changes can be achieved via the (passive or active) involvement of the entire community in political events. Yet this was virtually the only success which turned out to be only temporary and did not significantly outlive the ‘Tulip Revolution’.The activization of political parties, stimulated both by the authorities and opposition, and the use of ‘new’ methods that had not been used before, were an inseparable element of the events of the so-called ‘Tulip Revolution’. This time, the political games of the salon were supplemented by the activity aimed at establishing connections with the electorate. The establishment of youth organizations, working with people and active presence in the media and the Internet became an element of political practice. The ultimate success of the opposition parties was that they broke political apathy and stimulated the belief that changes can be achieved via the (passive or active) involvement of the entire community in political events. Yet this was virtually the only success which turned out to be only temporary and did not significantly outlive the ‘Tulip Revolution’
Formats of the election campaign messages in Poland
Get PDFZdecydowana większość przeprowadzanych dotąd badań koncentrowała się wokół analizy formatów stosowanych w trzech rodzajach przekazów wykorzystywanych w kampaniach wyborczych w USA: spotów reklamowych, filmami przedstawiajacymi kandydata w trakcie prawyborów (“meet the candidate”) oraz filmami rozpowszechnianymi podczas regularnej kampanii wyborczej. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera wyniki analizy formatów stosowanych w płatnych reklamach i bezpłatnych audycjach wyborczych emitowanych w programach telewizyjnych w Polsce. Stąd też, praca ta stanowi oryginalny wkład do badań z zakresu komunikacji politycznej poszerzając wiedzę na temat podobieństw i różnic pomiędzy głównymi typami przekazów rozpowszechnianych podczas polskich kampanii wyborczych.Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań pokazują, iż przekazy te posiadają cechy wspólne z takimi amerykańskimi formatami jak: filmy z okresu prawyborów oraz filmy rozpowszechniane podczas regularnej kampanii (czas trwania, zawartość), różniąc się od nich jednocześnie w zakresie najczęśćiej stosowanych formatów, grupach docelowych oraz funkcji.Zdecydowana większość przeprowadzanych dotąd badań koncentrowała się wokół analizy formatów stosowanych w trzech rodzajach przekazów wykorzystywanych w kampaniach wyborczych w USA: spotów reklamowych, filmami przedstawiajacymi kandydata w trakcie prawyborów (“meet the candidate”) oraz filmami rozpowszechnianymi podczas regularnej kampanii wyborczej. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera wyniki analizy formatów stosowanych w płatnych reklamach i bezpłatnych audycjach wyborczych emitowanych w programach telewizyjnych w Polsce. Stąd też, praca ta stanowi oryginalny wkład do badań z zakresu komunikacji politycznej poszerzając wiedzę na temat podobieństw i różnic pomiędzy głównymi typami przekazów rozpowszechnianych podczas polskich kampanii wyborczych.Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań pokazują, iż przekazy te posiadają cechy wspólne z takimi amerykańskimi formatami jak: filmy z okresu prawyborów oraz filmy rozpowszechniane podczas regularnej kampanii (czas trwania, zawartość), różniąc się od nich jednocześnie w zakresie najczęśćiej stosowanych formatów, grupach docelowych oraz funkcji