Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Дмитрий Фурман, Движение по спирали. Политическая система России в ряду других систем. Издателъство „Весъ Мир”
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Unia Europejska wobec nowych tworów państwowych (Casus Kosowa, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej)
Get PDFWhen the European Union member states’ attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU’s prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU’s activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing ‘apolitical’ financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations.When the European Union member states’ attitude to Kosovo is not uniform, the EU’s prestige and influence on the international arena deteriorates. As far as the issue of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is concerned, the EU’s activities show that mere expressions of interest in the matter and providing ‘apolitical’ financial aid does not contribute to solving this thorny international problem, and undermines the international position of the European Union unless it is coupled with clear and precise political aims, the operations of institutions with a strong mandate or a process of active negotiation. Once more, member states show that the concept of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, supported among others by the European Neighborhood Policy, does not have firm foundations
Ewolucja stosunków pomiędzy Ukrainą i UE
Get PDFSince the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU’s foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU’s foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year
Europejska reklama i towarzysząca jej nienawiść
Get PDFThe paper concerns the rarely discussed subject of hate speech in advertising messages. Hate speech is primarily related to the issue of freedom of speech, which, however, is not absolute freedom. The scope of freedom of speech involves audiovisual statements and other forms of expression that may incite hatred, discrimination and violence against other groups. ECRI general recommendation no. 1 classifies such behaviors as criminal offences. Such statements acquire legal and penal status, provided that a certain act has been committed intentionally – dolus directus coloratus. Advertising discourse frequently forces us to treat others in an ignoble manner thus becoming a stimulus to violence.The paper concerns the rarely discussed subject of hate speech in advertising messages. Hate speech is primarily related to the issue of freedom of speech, which, however, is not absolute freedom. The scope of freedom of speech involves audiovisual statements and other forms of expression that may incite hatred, discrimination and violence against other groups. ECRI general recommendation no. 1 classifies such behaviors as criminal offences. Such statements acquire legal and penal status, provided that a certain act has been committed intentionally – dolus directus coloratus. Advertising discourse frequently forces us to treat others in an ignoble manner thus becoming a stimulus to violence
Niepodległość Kosowa w świetle opinii doradczej Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości
No full textOn July 22, 2010 the International Court of Justice issued an Advisory opinion to determine the issue of accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo. The opinion of the ICS has evoked comments both from representatives of the states that have recognized Kosovo and from those that have resolutely opposed the independence of the new state. This analysis attempts to assess the opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, and to answer the question of the outcomes of this Advisory opinion for the future of Kosovo and its status in the international arena. Although the motion of the UN General Assembly for an Advisory opinion to be issued intended to clarify this matter of dispute and ultimately settle the way in which the ‘Kosovo issue’ was to be treated, the Advisory opinion eventually submitted has actually strengthened different states in their convictions. The states that did recognize Kosovo have obtained a legal argument to confirm that ther activity was legal and to allow them to reject the accusations that their recognition of Kosovo was premature. These states claim that because the declaration of independence conforms to international law and that as Kosovo meets the requirements of state structures striving for international approval, there is no justification for refusing to recognize this state. This is because states should avail of such recognition in good faith and respect for international law. The states assuming an opposite standpoint in the discussion on the ‘Kosovo issue’ refer to the principle of the voluntary character of recognition, following from international law. Recognition is optional and no state can be forced to recognize another state internationally.On July 22, 2010 the International Court of Justice issued an Advisory opinion to determine the issue of accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo. The opinion of the ICS has evoked comments both from representatives of the states that have recognized Kosovo and from those that have resolutely opposed the independence of the new state. This analysis attempts to assess the opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, and to answer the question of the outcomes of this Advisory opinion for the future of Kosovo and its status in the international arena. Although the motion of the UN General Assembly for an Advisory opinion to be issued intended to clarify this matter of dispute and ultimately settle the way in which the ‘Kosovo issue’ was to be treated, the Advisory opinion eventually submitted has actually strengthened different states in their convictions. The states that did recognize Kosovo have obtained a legal argument to confirm that ther activity was legal and to allow them to reject the accusations that their recognition of Kosovo was premature. These states claim that because the declaration of independence conforms to international law and that as Kosovo meets the requirements of state structures striving for international approval, there is no justification for refusing to recognize this state. This is because states should avail of such recognition in good faith and respect for international law. The states assuming an opposite standpoint in the discussion on the ‘Kosovo issue’ refer to the principle of the voluntary character of recognition, following from international law. Recognition is optional and no state can be forced to recognize another state internationally
Wymiar lewica–prawica w Polsce – podziały ideologiczne w polskim społeczeństwie
Get PDFDespite a certain degree of chaos characterizing the Polish political arena, Polish society can be said to be capable of relatively accurate categorization of political parties with respect to their position in the left – right spectrum; two thirds of society are also able to identify their own views in this respect. What differentiates Polish society from Western European societies, though, is the lack of correlation between ones’position in the social structure and ideology, as well as the negligible importance of economic matters in one’s identification as a left – right winger. The emergence of two strong political parties referring to themselves as right-wing (Civic Platform – PO and Law and Justice – PiS), accompanied by the weakening of the left of the political arena in Poland has resulted in this tendency becoming even stronger.Despite a certain degree of chaos characterizing the Polish political arena, Polish society can be said to be capable of relatively accurate categorization of political parties with respect to their position in the left – right spectrum; two thirds of society are also able to identify their own views in this respect. What differentiates Polish society from Western European societies, though, is the lack of correlation between ones’position in the social structure and ideology, as well as the negligible importance of economic matters in one’s identification as a left – right winger. The emergence of two strong political parties referring to themselves as right-wing (Civic Platform – PO and Law and Justice – PiS), accompanied by the weakening of the left of the political arena in Poland has resulted in this tendency becoming even stronger
Stosunek partii nacjonalistycznych Polski, Republiki Czeskiej, Słowacji i Węgier do integracji europejskiej
Get PDFThe paper analyzes the attitude of nationalist parties in four Central European states (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) to European integration. After 2004, some of them, e.g. the League of Polish Families (LPR), the Slovak National Party (SNS), and Jobbik in Hungary, gained parliamentary representation, or even entered governments thus obtaining some (albeit limited) influence on foreign policy. Their attitudes frequently expressed social fears and anxieties related to the accession to the EU. The integration process as such was assessed in different ways: from the demands to leave the Union and warnings that the states will lose their independence, to the approval of the Europe of nations concept, and the endorsement of EU membership. Their attitudes, contained in the political platforms of the parties, also reflected traditional antagonisms and the fear of neighbors and their policies (this mainly concerned the fear of all sorts of German and Hungarian revisionist claims), as well as ther views on the influence of other subjects on the state’s sovereignty and condition (including the frequent argument of excessive exploitation and threats to national possessions).The paper analyzes the attitude of nationalist parties in four Central European states (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) to European integration. After 2004, some of them, e.g. the League of Polish Families (LPR), the Slovak National Party (SNS), and Jobbik in Hungary, gained parliamentary representation, or even entered governments thus obtaining some (albeit limited) influence on foreign policy. Their attitudes frequently expressed social fears and anxieties related to the accession to the EU. The integration process as such was assessed in different ways: from the demands to leave the Union and warnings that the states will lose their independence, to the approval of the Europe of nations concept, and the endorsement of EU membership. Their attitudes, contained in the political platforms of the parties, also reflected traditional antagonisms and the fear of neighbors and their policies (this mainly concerned the fear of all sorts of German and Hungarian revisionist claims), as well as ther views on the influence of other subjects on the state’s sovereignty and condition (including the frequent argument of excessive exploitation and threats to national possessions)
Lęk akulturacyjny cudzoziemców w aspekcie tożsamości i procesów integracyjnych w nowym kraju pobytu
No full textMulticulturality and peaceful coexistence has recently become a global issue. A foreigner’s cultural integration in his/her new country of residence may depend on numerous external and internal factors, yet it requires the individual’s personal involvement. The liberal law of the host country will hardly be helpful if the foreigners do not exert their own effort in the course of the acculturation process. Ahigh level of self-awareness allows them to use the stress of acculturation and its consequences in a way that is advantageous to their own creative development, even if the individuals concerned display anxiety, thus resulting in the self-transformation of an individual’s cultural identity. The level of acculturation anxiety produces defined emotional and behavioral outcomes in aliens, while it implies various forms of cultural integration: from its absence, through illusionary integration, passive and active integration, to full integration. Despite the clash of cultural differences and intensified acculturation stress, setting up a bi-cultural family induces self-transformation and integration with the new culture to a larger extent than in the case of single persons. Owing to the internal change of the value system, a foreigner develops a bi-cultural identity. Bi-cultural relations give their members the sense of belonging to a new cultural group, ensure the development of inter-cultural competence in the form of norms, rules and rituals, which increases the degree of mutual trust, tolerance and the sense of security, thus allowing them to achieve higher acculturation efficiency.Multiculturality and peaceful coexistence has recently become a global issue. A foreigner’s cultural integration in his/her new country of residence may depend on numerous external and internal factors, yet it requires the individual’s personal involvement. The liberal law of the host country will hardly be helpful if the foreigners do not exert their own effort in the course of the acculturation process. Ahigh level of self-awareness allows them to use the stress of acculturation and its consequences in a way that is advantageous to their own creative development, even if the individuals concerned display anxiety, thus resulting in the self-transformation of an individual’s cultural identity. The level of acculturation anxiety produces defined emotional and behavioral outcomes in aliens, while it implies various forms of cultural integration: from its absence, through illusionary integration, passive and active integration, to full integration. Despite the clash of cultural differences and intensified acculturation stress, setting up a bi-cultural family induces self-transformation and integration with the new culture to a larger extent than in the case of single persons. Owing to the internal change of the value system, a foreigner develops a bi-cultural identity. Bi-cultural relations give their members the sense of belonging to a new cultural group, ensure the development of inter-cultural competence in the form of norms, rules and rituals, which increases the degree of mutual trust, tolerance and the sense of security, thus allowing them to achieve higher acculturation efficiency
Służba cywilna w Polsce. Kierunki zmian
No full textThe civil service in Poland lacks legal and institutional continuity. Four laws regarding the civil service have been enacted over the past twelve years which have made different provisions concerning, for example, the body in charge of the civil service (The Civil Service Supervisor or the Head of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister) and handling its matters (The Civil Service Office of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister), the status of higher posts (in the civil service and outside of it) and the manner of manning such posts (contests, appointments, enrollment). The act on the civil service of 2008 introduced a range of instruments to provide for consistent operations and, consequently, stability of human resource management. It should be emphasized that at present the challenge concerning the civil service is to prepare it for the tasks to be fulfilled while Poland holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Providing training and applying various methods to develop civil servants’ competence as well as adopting European models are a chance to increase the quality of civil service operations.The civil service in Poland lacks legal and institutional continuity. Four laws regarding the civil service have been enacted over the past twelve years which have made different provisions concerning, for example, the body in charge of the civil service (The Civil Service Supervisor or the Head of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister) and handling its matters (The Civil Service Office of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister), the status of higher posts (in the civil service and outside of it) and the manner of manning such posts (contests, appointments, enrollment). The act on the civil service of 2008 introduced a range of instruments to provide for consistent operations and, consequently, stability of human resource management. It should be emphasized that at present the challenge concerning the civil service is to prepare it for the tasks to be fulfilled while Poland holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union. Providing training and applying various methods to develop civil servants’ competence as well as adopting European models are a chance to increase the quality of civil service operations
Polska wobec kulturowych dylematów i wyzwań „europejskości”
Get PDFThe paper touches upon the issue of the cultural challenges which Poland and the Poles have faced since 1989, in the context of Poland’s integration with Western Europe, which commenced then. The starting point of the analysis is the typology of political cultures of Almond, Verba and Powell. The paper mainly focuses on the manner in which politics is exercised and on Poland’s foreign policy. In the conclusion it attempts to answer the question of whether Poles are culturally close to, or far away from Europe. The complexity of the issue, however, leads to the conclusion that despite the numerous examples the paper refers to, it is exceptionally difficult to answer this question unequivocally.The paper touches upon the issue of the cultural challenges which Poland and the Poles have faced since 1989, in the context of Poland’s integration with Western Europe, which commenced then. The starting point of the analysis is the typology of political cultures of Almond, Verba and Powell. The paper mainly focuses on the manner in which politics is exercised and on Poland’s foreign policy. In the conclusion it attempts to answer the question of whether Poles are culturally close to, or far away from Europe. The complexity of the issue, however, leads to the conclusion that despite the numerous examples the paper refers to, it is exceptionally difficult to answer this question unequivocally