Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Pozycja i kompetencje rady programowej w spółce publicznej radiofonii i telewizji
Get PDFThe powers of an advisory board are laid down in the currently binding Section 3, Art. 28a of the law. Said provision stipulates that the board passes resolutions concerning radio and television program (when gaining a majority of votes cast and the presence of at least a half of board members) and comprising the assessment of the level and quality of the running program and program schedule. This provision also stipulates that such resolutions are debated and decided by the supervisory board. It is rightfully observed in the doctrine that the advisory board is only an advising and consultative body for the corporation organs, and it only handles programming matters. The provision stipulates the principles and forms of operation of such bodies to only a limited extent.We also have to agree with the opinion that the powers of the program board are limited to program-related matters exclusively, that is to the selection of individual programs, proportions between them and general principles of radio and television operation. Thus, the board does not have a basis on which to take a stand in personnel, technical, business and legal matters, etc.The powers of an advisory board are laid down in the currently binding Section 3, Art. 28a of the law. Said provision stipulates that the board passes resolutions concerning radio and television program (when gaining a majority of votes cast and the presence of at least a half of board members) and comprising the assessment of the level and quality of the running program and program schedule. This provision also stipulates that such resolutions are debated and decided by the supervisory board. It is rightfully observed in the doctrine that the advisory board is only an advising and consultative body for the corporation organs, and it only handles programming matters. The provision stipulates the principles and forms of operation of such bodies to only a limited extent.We also have to agree with the opinion that the powers of the program board are limited to program-related matters exclusively, that is to the selection of individual programs, proportions between them and general principles of radio and television operation. Thus, the board does not have a basis on which to take a stand in personnel, technical, business and legal matters, etc
Tabloidyzacja czy tabloidyzacje telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych? (Fakty TVN i Wiadomości TVP)
Get PDFTabloidization is one of the main processes affecting modern mass media which can be observed in the media systems around the world. In Poland, the phenomenon of tabloidization has clearly intensified since the emergence of a pluralist media market, and in particular since the first commercial TV station and first typical tabloid have come into existence. The objective of the paper is to present the tabloidization processes in the Polish system of TV broadcasting. Having narrowed the subject matter to the realm of news programs the authors present the research conducted in order to address two fundamental questions: 1. Does the tabloidization of TV programs in Poland occur irrespective of the broadcaster’s status, and 2. Is the tabloidization of TV programs different depending on the broadcaster’s status?Tabloidization is one of the main processes affecting modern mass media which can be observed in the media systems around the world. In Poland, the phenomenon of tabloidization has clearly intensified since the emergence of a pluralist media market, and in particular since the first commercial TV station and first typical tabloid have come into existence. The objective of the paper is to present the tabloidization processes in the Polish system of TV broadcasting. Having narrowed the subject matter to the realm of news programs the authors present the research conducted in order to address two fundamental questions: 1. Does the tabloidization of TV programs in Poland occur irrespective of the broadcaster’s status, and 2. Is the tabloidization of TV programs different depending on the broadcaster’s status
Emocjonalne i racjonalne aspekty ukraińskich tendencji eurointegracji
Get PDFAt present, Ukraine is searching for an optimum manner of cooperation with the European Union. However, it is doubtful whether the EU approval procedure can be completed in the present decade. Fortunately, a number of problems are imaginary rather than real, and they are the aftermath of the reality of the Soviet Union. To understand the specific Ukrainian character with respect to European integration is significant both for Ukraine herself and for the beneficial development of the EU member states.At present, Ukraine is searching for an optimum manner of cooperation with the European Union. However, it is doubtful whether the EU approval procedure can be completed in the present decade. Fortunately, a number of problems are imaginary rather than real, and they are the aftermath of the reality of the Soviet Union. To understand the specific Ukrainian character with respect to European integration is significant both for Ukraine herself and for the beneficial development of the EU member states
Reakcja Unii Europejskiej na wybory prezydenta Ukrainy w 2010 r.
Get PDFThe paper presents the attitude of the EU to the Presidential elections in Ukraine which took place this year. It discusses the statements of leading EU politicians related to Brussels–Kiev relations at the time, the impact of the elections on the further development of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as the activities of the European Parliament intended to support the pro-European policy of Ukraine, headed by the recently elected President Viktor Yanukovich. The paper also presents articles that reported the campaign and its results published in the main European newspapers, such as „Süddeutsche Zeitung”, „Spiegel”, „The Economist”, „The Financial Times”, „Liberation”,„Corriere della Sera” and others, which exerted a significant influence on shaping EU public opinion on presidential elections in Ukraine. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the first visit of the new Ukrainian President, Viktor Yanukowich, to Brussels. It resulted in the key priorities of the EU-Ukrainian cooperation under the new political circumstances being established.The paper presents the attitude of the EU to the Presidential elections in Ukraine which took place this year. It discusses the statements of leading EU politicians related to Brussels–Kiev relations at the time, the impact of the elections on the further development of cooperation between the EU and Ukraine, as well as the activities of the European Parliament intended to support the pro-European policy of Ukraine, headed by the recently elected President Viktor Yanukovich. The paper also presents articles that reported the campaign and its results published in the main European newspapers, such as „Süddeutsche Zeitung”, „Spiegel”, „The Economist”, „The Financial Times”, „Liberation”,„Corriere della Sera” and others, which exerted a significant influence on shaping EU public opinion on presidential elections in Ukraine. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the first visit of the new Ukrainian President, Viktor Yanukowich, to Brussels. It resulted in the key priorities of the EU-Ukrainian cooperation under the new political circumstances being established
Misja EULEX Kosowo
Get PDFThe European Union made the decision to launch the EULEX Kosovo mission on February 4, 2008. Its mandate was envisaged for 28 months from the approval of the Operation Plan (OPLAN), i.e. from February 16, 2008. As scheduled, the mission commenced on June 15, 2008, yet it failed to take over the responsibility for the tasks from the UNMIK mission of the United Nations. Owing to delays, the EULEX Kosovo mission achieved initial operational capability on December 9, 2009 and became fully operative on April 6, 2009. EULEX Kosovo is the largest mission ever launched under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The mission’s status has aroused serious controversies as out of 27 EU member states, Greece, Slovakia, Spain, Romania and Cyprus have not recognized Kosovo as an independent state. As an organization, the European Union officially refers to the province as “Kosovo – under UN Security Council Resolution 1244.” Since EULEX Kosovo remains operational and is an ‘open’ mission it is difficult to unanimously assess the efficiency of its operation. The mission has been operating under complicated political circumstances which result from the fact that Kosovo’s independence has been approved by some of the EU states.The European Union made the decision to launch the EULEX Kosovo mission on February 4, 2008. Its mandate was envisaged for 28 months from the approval of the Operation Plan (OPLAN), i.e. from February 16, 2008. As scheduled, the mission commenced on June 15, 2008, yet it failed to take over the responsibility for the tasks from the UNMIK mission of the United Nations. Owing to delays, the EULEX Kosovo mission achieved initial operational capability on December 9, 2009 and became fully operative on April 6, 2009. EULEX Kosovo is the largest mission ever launched under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The mission’s status has aroused serious controversies as out of 27 EU member states, Greece, Slovakia, Spain, Romania and Cyprus have not recognized Kosovo as an independent state. As an organization, the European Union officially refers to the province as “Kosovo – under UN Security Council Resolution 1244.” Since EULEX Kosovo remains operational and is an ‘open’ mission it is difficult to unanimously assess the efficiency of its operation. The mission has been operating under complicated political circumstances which result from the fact that Kosovo’s independence has been approved by some of the EU states
Jan Paweł II i Benedykt XVI a dialog katolicko-prawosławny. Przyczynek do dyskusji
Get PDFFor centuries the dialogue between the Catholic and Orthodox churches has been marked by disputes and conflicts. It was impossible, and still remains troublesome, to clearly identify the reasons for this. Some tend to blame the Vatican for its excessively ‘obtrusive’ intention to establish its hierarchy in the East. Others tend to claim that it is the Russian Orthodox Church that has triggered conflicts in its pursuit to unify the Orthodox churches and ‘dethrone’ the Roman Catholic Church. The Catholic and Orthodox denominations have mainly been clashing in Central and Eastern Europe, where new factors generating conflicts are constantly emerging, whether religious or – more frequently – political (e.g. the historical conflict between Catholic Poland and Lithuania and Orthodox Russia; or the establishment of Catholic dioceses in the Russian Federation, which the Moscow Patriarchate considers to be the canonical territory of the Eastern Church). Sometimes it may even seem that the dissenting denominations do not even try to communicate. The pontificate of John Paul II was ecumenical, but it did not produce the results the Vatican would consider desirable with respect to the Orthodox Church. At present we can observe slow changes in the behavior of religious leaders – Benedict XVI and the Patriarchs of Moscow (Alexii II, followed by Cyril I). The authors of the paper present selected issues in Catholic-Orthodox dialogue during the pontificate of John Paul II and the present Pope – Benedict XVI, and they attempt to answer the question of what changes have recently taken place in the mutual relations of the two denominations, and whether the steps taken stand a chance of resulting in a permanent conciliation.For centuries the dialogue between the Catholic and Orthodox churches has been marked by disputes and conflicts. It was impossible, and still remains troublesome, to clearly identify the reasons for this. Some tend to blame the Vatican for its excessively ‘obtrusive’ intention to establish its hierarchy in the East. Others tend to claim that it is the Russian Orthodox Church that has triggered conflicts in its pursuit to unify the Orthodox churches and ‘dethrone’ the Roman Catholic Church. The Catholic and Orthodox denominations have mainly been clashing in Central and Eastern Europe, where new factors generating conflicts are constantly emerging, whether religious or – more frequently – political (e.g. the historical conflict between Catholic Poland and Lithuania and Orthodox Russia; or the establishment of Catholic dioceses in the Russian Federation, which the Moscow Patriarchate considers to be the canonical territory of the Eastern Church). Sometimes it may even seem that the dissenting denominations do not even try to communicate. The pontificate of John Paul II was ecumenical, but it did not produce the results the Vatican would consider desirable with respect to the Orthodox Church. At present we can observe slow changes in the behavior of religious leaders – Benedict XVI and the Patriarchs of Moscow (Alexii II, followed by Cyril I). The authors of the paper present selected issues in Catholic-Orthodox dialogue during the pontificate of John Paul II and the present Pope – Benedict XVI, and they attempt to answer the question of what changes have recently taken place in the mutual relations of the two denominations, and whether the steps taken stand a chance of resulting in a permanent conciliation
Ogólna charakterystyka międzynarodowego prawa ochrony środowiska
Get PDFThe paper provides a synthetic grasp of the issues related to international environmental law. It should be emphasized that the paper offers only a general review of this law. The significant issues the paper touches upon concern the processes and directions of international environmental law development. Besides, the following categories are analyzed: the environment, environmental protection, the sources of international environmental law, and its principles. The paper also includes an analysis of the fundamental documents that include the principles of international environmental law (in particular the sustained development principles), inter alia the Stockholm Declaration and the Rio de Janeiro Declaration.The paper provides a synthetic grasp of the issues related to international environmental law. It should be emphasized that the paper offers only a general review of this law. The significant issues the paper touches upon concern the processes and directions of international environmental law development. Besides, the following categories are analyzed: the environment, environmental protection, the sources of international environmental law, and its principles. The paper also includes an analysis of the fundamental documents that include the principles of international environmental law (in particular the sustained development principles), inter alia the Stockholm Declaration and the Rio de Janeiro Declaration
Stosunki polsko-niemieckie na tle budowy Gazociągu Północnego (2005–2009)
Get PDFThe paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczynski was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland’s persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the extremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent.The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczynski was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland’s persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the extremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent
Kościół a polityka. Rozważania wokół aktywności politycznej duchowieństwa rzymskokatolickiego podczas wyborów prezydenckich 2010 roku
No full textThe campaign preceding the early presidential elections in 2010 reminded Polish society of the strong position the Catholic Church holds in political life, and mainly its role in the political system. In the context of the latest elections, it was observed that the Church went beyond the framework of its evangelization mission to enter realms it has long been driven out from in other modern states. This breaches the principle of the secular character of the state, its neutral point of view and separation (autonomy) of state and Church. This paper is limited to the presentation of the Polish Church’s political standpoint. The involvement of Catholic clergy in the presidential campaign serves only as a background to present the larger problem of political involvement of the clergy in general. Therefore, the main research issue is not the question of the forms of political activity which members of the Church assume, although some exemplifications are present in this paper, but rather what justifies the involvement of the Church in politics. It is demonstrated that neither theological doctrine nor the normative theory of democracy sufficiently justifies the active participation of the clergy in politics. It is also stressed, however, that the Church cannot be prohibited from partaking in public debate unless democratic principles are breached. Yet the Church’s involvement needs to fulfill one condition: it has to approve the principles of democratic discourse, such as the equal rights of different standpoints and the approval of the principle of relativity in political communication.The campaign preceding the early presidential elections in 2010 reminded Polish society of the strong position the Catholic Church holds in political life, and mainly its role in the political system. In the context of the latest elections, it was observed that the Church went beyond the framework of its evangelization mission to enter realms it has long been driven out from in other modern states. This breaches the principle of the secular character of the state, its neutral point of view and separation (autonomy) of state and Church. This paper is limited to the presentation of the Polish Church’s political standpoint. The involvement of Catholic clergy in the presidential campaign serves only as a background to present the larger problem of political involvement of the clergy in general. Therefore, the main research issue is not the question of the forms of political activity which members of the Church assume, although some exemplifications are present in this paper, but rather what justifies the involvement of the Church in politics. It is demonstrated that neither theological doctrine nor the normative theory of democracy sufficiently justifies the active participation of the clergy in politics. It is also stressed, however, that the Church cannot be prohibited from partaking in public debate unless democratic principles are breached. Yet the Church’s involvement needs to fulfill one condition: it has to approve the principles of democratic discourse, such as the equal rights of different standpoints and the approval of the principle of relativity in political communication
The Boundaries between the Religious and the Secular on the Polish Political Scene
Get PDFPrezentowany tekst stanowi zmodyfikowaną wersję wystąpienia wygłoszonego podczas międzynarodowej konferencji “Religion, identity and life courses”, zorganizowanej przez Institute for the Studies of Religion in Central and Eastern Europe (ISORECA). Sympozjum odbyło się w grudniu 2008 w Collegium Medicum Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Artykuł poświęcony jest specyfice relacji między porządkiem sakralnym a świeckim w polskim systemie politycznym. Problematyka ujęta została w kontekście reprezentowanych w literaturze przedmiotu paradygmatów publicznego funkcjonowania religijności oraz uwarunkowań mających swe Źródło w specyfice polskiej kultury politycznej. Wyodrębniono paralelne procesy sekularyzacji sacrum i sakralizacji profanum oraz typy afiliacji politycznej skorelowane z modelami polskiej religijności. Jak się wydaje, zaproponowane modele i konkluzje zachowują, a nawet wzmacniają swą aktualność w perspektywie politycznych reperkusji katastrofy lotniczej pod Smoleńskiem, a więc wydarzenia nieprzewidywalnego w ramach prognostycznej funkcji nauk politycznych.Prezentowany tekst stanowi zmodyfikowaną wersję wystąpienia wygłoszonego podczas międzynarodowej konferencji “Religion, identity and life courses”, zorganizowanej przez Institute for the Studies of Religion in Central and Eastern Europe (ISORECA). Sympozjum odbyło się w grudniu 2008 w Collegium Medicum Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Artykuł poświęcony jest specyfice relacji między porządkiem sakralnym a świeckim w polskim systemie politycznym. Problematyka ujęta została w kontekście reprezentowanych w literaturze przedmiotu paradygmatów publicznego funkcjonowania religijności oraz uwarunkowań mających swe Źródło w specyfice polskiej kultury politycznej. Wyodrębniono paralelne procesy sekularyzacji sacrum i sakralizacji profanum oraz typy afiliacji politycznej skorelowane z modelami polskiej religijności. Jak się wydaje, zaproponowane modele i konkluzje zachowują, a nawet wzmacniają swą aktualność w perspektywie politycznych reperkusji katastrofy lotniczej pod Smoleńskiem, a więc wydarzenia nieprzewidywalnego w ramach prognostycznej funkcji nauk politycznych