Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Nauczanie społeczne Benedykta XVI wobec współczesnych problemów globalnych
Get PDFOn June 29, 2009 the Encyclical Caritas in veritate (Charity in Truth) of Benedict XVI was published, where the Pope presents his social teaching. He expresses his critical diagnosis of modern societies, indicating that it is selfishness resulting from lack of faith that is the source of all social evil. Benedict XVI calls for an effort to improve the world by multiplying the acts based on “the logic of giving without reciprocation” instead of the “logic of power” or the “logic of the market” in the realm of economy and politics also. The Pope also observes that unless the “logic of giving without reciprocation” dominates human relations both poor and affluent societies will continue to grapple with increasingly serious and tragic issues, and this logic will apparently not prevail if people do not begin to believe again. The Encyclical Caritas in veritate assumes the form of a diagnosis that the modern world disregards. In the opinion of the Pope this lack of attention is not the fault of the Papacy, but rather of the world itself. Expressing this attitude, the Pope easily assumes a position which is comfortable from his point of view, and which cannot be refuted nor corroborated.On June 29, 2009 the Encyclical Caritas in veritate (Charity in Truth) of Benedict XVI was published, where the Pope presents his social teaching. He expresses his critical diagnosis of modern societies, indicating that it is selfishness resulting from lack of faith that is the source of all social evil. Benedict XVI calls for an effort to improve the world by multiplying the acts based on “the logic of giving without reciprocation” instead of the “logic of power” or the “logic of the market” in the realm of economy and politics also. The Pope also observes that unless the “logic of giving without reciprocation” dominates human relations both poor and affluent societies will continue to grapple with increasingly serious and tragic issues, and this logic will apparently not prevail if people do not begin to believe again. The Encyclical Caritas in veritate assumes the form of a diagnosis that the modern world disregards. In the opinion of the Pope this lack of attention is not the fault of the Papacy, but rather of the world itself. Expressing this attitude, the Pope easily assumes a position which is comfortable from his point of view, and which cannot be refuted nor corroborated
P. Osęka, Mydlenie oczu. Przypadki propagandy w Polsce, Wydawnictwo Znak, Kraków 2010, ss. 264.
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Paradyplomacja regionalna w obszarze południowego Bałtyku na przykładzie stosunków transgranicznych Województwa Zachodniopomorskiego
Get PDFIndividual and group transborder cooperation of theWestern Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is in line with a pan-European trend of regional authorities becoming independent and participating in international relations as independent entities. This ‘paradiplomacy’ is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the relativization of the state as a traditional arena of political activity. Simultaneously, as the subsidiarity principle, which is the foundation of EU regional policy, is becoming increasingly popular, it seems unavoidable and irreversible that regional structures will be vested with increasing powers in the realm of foreign policy (that used to be reserved for national organs exclusively). In this context the collaboration of theWestern Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is only at the beginning of a potential process to form its own ‘paradiplomacy’ as it remains constricted in the formula of state limitation and supervision. Therefore, at present it is unfeasible for Polish regional authorities, including the self-government ofWestern Pomerania, to conduct independent ‘paradiplomacy.’Individual and group transborder cooperation of theWestern Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is in line with a pan-European trend of regional authorities becoming independent and participating in international relations as independent entities. This ‘paradiplomacy’ is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the relativization of the state as a traditional arena of political activity. Simultaneously, as the subsidiarity principle, which is the foundation of EU regional policy, is becoming increasingly popular, it seems unavoidable and irreversible that regional structures will be vested with increasing powers in the realm of foreign policy (that used to be reserved for national organs exclusively). In this context the collaboration of theWestern Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is only at the beginning of a potential process to form its own ‘paradiplomacy’ as it remains constricted in the formula of state limitation and supervision. Therefore, at present it is unfeasible for Polish regional authorities, including the self-government ofWestern Pomerania, to conduct independent ‘paradiplomacy.
Kształt polityki spójnośći Unii Europejskiej w Polsce w latach 2007–2013
Get PDFPoland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU’s financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU’s’ financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland’s maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union’s financial support.Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU’s financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU’s’ financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland’s maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union’s financial support
Widmo liberalizmu
Get PDFThe notion of ‘liberalism’ is beginning to acquire a new meaning in Polish political discourse. This ‘new liberalism’ is actually a distortion of liberal thinking and does not have much in common with proper liberalism. It has become a demon that politicians with anti-liberal attitudes use to frighten their potential voters. The reason for that is that their political opponents are associated with liberalism. Therefore, the author attempts to identify liberalism and the directions of its evolution in order to emphasize the fact that the fundamental values of liberalism do not actually correspond to the anti-liberal claims employed in political disputes.The notion of ‘liberalism’ is beginning to acquire a new meaning in Polish political discourse. This ‘new liberalism’ is actually a distortion of liberal thinking and does not have much in common with proper liberalism. It has become a demon that politicians with anti-liberal attitudes use to frighten their potential voters. The reason for that is that their political opponents are associated with liberalism. Therefore, the author attempts to identify liberalism and the directions of its evolution in order to emphasize the fact that the fundamental values of liberalism do not actually correspond to the anti-liberal claims employed in political disputes
Proces konstytucyjny na Ukrainie w latach 1990–2006
Get PDFThis paper attempts to describe the constitution process in Ukraine from 1990 to 2006, given the dispute between the President and the Highest Council (Parliament). The transformations of post-soviet republics that followed the collapse of the USSR created a need for new political, social and economic agreements to be drawn up to befit the new times. The reforming process of these realms of Ukrainian society’s activity was reflected in the evolution of Ukrainian constitutional principles. The Ukrainian Constitution determines the political and administrative system of the state. The amendments proposed have favored either the President or the Highest Council, depending on the political situation in the country. Despite numerous attempts, the most important reforms of the system have still not been implemented in Ukraine, which is hardly conducive to the state’s stability. The emergence of the foundation for the political system of the independent Ukrainian state is a good illustration of how individual interests of different political forces exert a negative impact on the shaping of a civic society and local self-government, based on transparent principles.This paper attempts to describe the constitution process in Ukraine from 1990 to 2006, given the dispute between the President and the Highest Council (Parliament). The transformations of post-soviet republics that followed the collapse of the USSR created a need for new political, social and economic agreements to be drawn up to befit the new times. The reforming process of these realms of Ukrainian society’s activity was reflected in the evolution of Ukrainian constitutional principles. The Ukrainian Constitution determines the political and administrative system of the state. The amendments proposed have favored either the President or the Highest Council, depending on the political situation in the country. Despite numerous attempts, the most important reforms of the system have still not been implemented in Ukraine, which is hardly conducive to the state’s stability. The emergence of the foundation for the political system of the independent Ukrainian state is a good illustration of how individual interests of different political forces exert a negative impact on the shaping of a civic society and local self-government, based on transparent principles
„Rosja wyparta z Europy” – konsekwencje dla porządku międzynarodowego na progu XXI w.
Get PDFThe anti-Occidental turn of Russian policy does not have to be permanent as the Russians still have a strong feeling of belonging toEuropean culture and civilization; yet winning the Russian Federation’s ‘backing’as a partner of theWest will be difficult and significantly more costly than it would have been in the early 1990s, when Russia was ready to make considerable concessions, to undergo the process of modernization and democratization in return for being included in the ‘common European home.’The consequence of current processes in the international environment is that Gorbatchev’s vision, which became the foundation for the pro-Western turn in Russian policy, has never been further away from its implementation.The anti-Occidental turn of Russian policy does not have to be permanent as the Russians still have a strong feeling of belonging toEuropean culture and civilization; yet winning the Russian Federation’s ‘backing’as a partner of theWest will be difficult and significantly more costly than it would have been in the early 1990s, when Russia was ready to make considerable concessions, to undergo the process of modernization and democratization in return for being included in the ‘common European home.’The consequence of current processes in the international environment is that Gorbatchev’s vision, which became the foundation for the pro-Western turn in Russian policy, has never been further away from its implementation
Bernard Lecomte, Tajemnice Watykanu, przekład Michał Romanek, Wydawnictwo Znak, Kraków 2010, ss. 360.
Get PDFДиссидентское движение в Цехословакии: Клѥцевая идея и формы рeaлиэaции
No full textOne of the consequences of Charter 77 by the mid-1980s was the emergence of protostructures of a ‘parallel society’. Diverse models and forms of a parallel society also came into existence in other countries of the ‘socialist community’. This mainly refers to Poland, where this society created a politicized structure, which later promoted the emergence of the counterelite. In Hungary, the parallel society was formed under the strong influence of the pro-reform faction of the ruling party. In Czechoslovakia the ‘parallel society’ operated under the strong influence of state structures. It was forced to distance itself from political issues. Nevertheless, the structures of the ‘parallel society’ and its ‘nonpolitical policy’ turned out to provide a significant system of ideas and an organizational initiative. It was capable of transforming the society which was stagnant in the final years of the policy of normalization. It also promoted the future emergence of democratic structures.One of the consequences of Charter 77 by the mid-1980s was the emergence of protostructures of a ‘parallel society’. Diverse models and forms of a parallel society also came into existence in other countries of the ‘socialist community’. This mainly refers to Poland, where this society created a politicized structure, which later promoted the emergence of the counterelite. In Hungary, the parallel society was formed under the strong influence of the pro-reform faction of the ruling party. In Czechoslovakia the ‘parallel society’ operated under the strong influence of state structures. It was forced to distance itself from political issues. Nevertheless, the structures of the ‘parallel society’ and its ‘nonpolitical policy’ turned out to provide a significant system of ideas and an organizational initiative. It was capable of transforming the society which was stagnant in the final years of the policy of normalization. It also promoted the future emergence of democratic structures
Rozpowszechnianie prasy lokalnej na przykładzie powiatu polickiego w województwie zachodniopomorskim
Get PDFThe paper presents partial results of the research into the local press the author has carried out in theWestern Pomeranian province. Adetailed analysis concerns the titles published in the territorial units at a district level. There are 18 of those, including three towns with district status, in the Western Pomeranian province. The results presented are based on extensive qualitative and quantitative surveys. The diversification of the local press, its abundance, development and end are inseparably related to local entrepreneurship and the communication process in local communities. The paper comprises three parts. The first one explains the terminology of the press and press market. The second one characterizes the local community of the Police district. The third one discusses the results of qualitative surveys and presents the quantitative analysis of local press circulation.The paper presents partial results of the research into the local press the author has carried out in theWestern Pomeranian province. Adetailed analysis concerns the titles published in the territorial units at a district level. There are 18 of those, including three towns with district status, in the Western Pomeranian province. The results presented are based on extensive qualitative and quantitative surveys. The diversification of the local press, its abundance, development and end are inseparably related to local entrepreneurship and the communication process in local communities. The paper comprises three parts. The first one explains the terminology of the press and press market. The second one characterizes the local community of the Police district. The third one discusses the results of qualitative surveys and presents the quantitative analysis of local press circulation