Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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    Thomas Lemke, Biopolityka, Sic!,Warszawa 2010, ss. 152.

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    Podmiotowość prawnomiędzynarodowa Wspólnot Europejskich oraz Unii Europejskiej

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    One of the main issues in the debate on the Treaty of Lisbon was to determine the legal international status of the European Union. The doctrine of international public law and European law stipulates personality as the ability to acquire rights and enter into international commitments. Before the Treaty of Lisbon came into force a highly animated and varied discussion continued on this issue. Among other things, it concerned the issues of whether international organizations are the subjects of international law, the nature of their subjectivity (primary or secondary), the relationship between the Community’s founding treaties, and, finally, whether European law constitutes an autonomous legal system. The most serious controversies, however, were raised by the legal international qualification of the European Union. In the opinion of a portion of representatives of European law, the EU was considered to be an international organization although it did not have legal personality, in contrast to the European Community. Therefore, it was usually defined as a specific structure in statu nascendi. This dispute was ultimately concluded by the Lisbon Treaty which replaced the three-pillar legal structure with a uniform international organization, and the European Community ceased to function. Yet the new legal system retained the European Atomic Energy Community, which seems an inconsistent and flawed decision, albeit a politically justified solution.One of the main issues in the debate on the Treaty of Lisbon was to determine the legal international status of the European Union. The doctrine of international public law and European law stipulates personality as the ability to acquire rights and enter into international commitments. Before the Treaty of Lisbon came into force a highly animated and varied discussion continued on this issue. Among other things, it concerned the issues of whether international organizations are the subjects of international law, the nature of their subjectivity (primary or secondary), the relationship between the Community’s founding treaties, and, finally, whether European law constitutes an autonomous legal system. The most serious controversies, however, were raised by the legal international qualification of the European Union. In the opinion of a portion of representatives of European law, the EU was considered to be an international organization although it did not have legal personality, in contrast to the European Community. Therefore, it was usually defined as a specific structure in statu nascendi. This dispute was ultimately concluded by the Lisbon Treaty which replaced the three-pillar legal structure with a uniform international organization, and the European Community ceased to function. Yet the new legal system retained the European Atomic Energy Community, which seems an inconsistent and flawed decision, albeit a politically justified solution

    Tworzenie strefy wolnego handlu między UE i Ukrainą: wyzwania i perspektywy

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    W artykule przeanalizowano ogólne kwestie dotyczące handlu pomiędzy Ukrainą i UE w okresie poprzedzającym globalny kryzys finansowo-gospodarczy i w jego trakcie, oraz wyzwania i oczekiwane korzyści, jakie przyniesie Ukrainie strefa wolnego handlu między obiema stronami. Stworzenie strefy wolnego handlu z Unią Europejską jest zgodne z polityką Ukrainy zmierzającą do integracji europejskiej i realizacją jej kolejnego etapu, ponieważ historia integracji UE pokazuje, że jej podstawą jest w pierwszej kolejności integracja gospodarcza osiągana na drodze likwidacji barier celnych.W artykule przeanalizowano ogólne kwestie dotyczące handlu pomiędzy Ukrainą i UE w okresie poprzedzającym globalny kryzys finansowo-gospodarczy i w jego trakcie, oraz wyzwania i oczekiwane korzyści, jakie przyniesie Ukrainie strefa wolnego handlu między obiema stronami. Stworzenie strefy wolnego handlu z Unią Europejską jest zgodne z polityką Ukrainy zmierzającą do integracji europejskiej i realizacją jej kolejnego etapu, ponieważ historia integracji UE pokazuje, że jej podstawą jest w pierwszej kolejności integracja gospodarcza osiągana na drodze likwidacji barier celnych

    Starożytna integracja narodów Europy i Azji albo polska legenda o pochodzeniu Kazachów

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    The paper presents materials evidencing the examples of former integration between Poles and Kazakh families that relocated from Asia to Europe in antiquity. The diversity of the languages, cultures, traditions and religions of these actually very different nations turned out not to be an impediment to their union. This demonstrates that true integration knows no barriers.The paper presents materials evidencing the examples of former integration between Poles and Kazakh families that relocated from Asia to Europe in antiquity. The diversity of the languages, cultures, traditions and religions of these actually very different nations turned out not to be an impediment to their union. This demonstrates that true integration knows no barriers

    Konstruktywne wotum nieufności w Republice Federalnej Niemiec i III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

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    The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational

    Kilka uwag na temat normatywności w teorii polityki: perspektywa utopii politycznej

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    In the opinion of the author, the current dimension of politicization depends on how efficient political activity is. It constitutes the realm of the increasingly professional activity intended to match the current, increasingly limited politicization. At the same time, the assessment of what we are presented with in an everyday agenda both restricts the discourse to the quantitative evaluation of politicians’ activities and limits the level of political participation of citizens. Our turbulent civilization forces us to plan more and more precisely, but at the same time it reduces the temporal perspective of political activity. The author attempts to answer the question of whether the state is becoming a ‘factory’ managed by the elites that are no longer politicized. In his opinion, the answer to this question should be: no, it isn’t.In the opinion of the author, the current dimension of politicization depends on how efficient political activity is. It constitutes the realm of the increasingly professional activity intended to match the current, increasingly limited politicization. At the same time, the assessment of what we are presented with in an everyday agenda both restricts the discourse to the quantitative evaluation of politicians’ activities and limits the level of political participation of citizens. Our turbulent civilization forces us to plan more and more precisely, but at the same time it reduces the temporal perspective of political activity. The author attempts to answer the question of whether the state is becoming a ‘factory’ managed by the elites that are no longer politicized. In his opinion, the answer to this question should be: no, it isn’t

    The Escape from Everyday Life? Accounts of Holidays and Anniversaries in TV news

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    Celem artykułu jest wstępna charakterystyka standardów, przy pomocy których polscy dziennikarze telewizyjni konstruują newsy dotyczące różnorakich uroczystości. W tekście wykazano, że w realiach polskich święta i rocznice często okazują się atrakcyjnym tematem newsa. Niemniej z punktu widzenia reportera ich relacjonowanie bywa też pewnym kłopotem czy wyzwaniem. Przygotowując komunikat dotyczący zdarzenia niecodziennego, dziennikarz stara się godzić wiele sprzecznych nieraz interesów. Można przypuszczać, że dotychczas sami dziennikarze nie zdefiniowali roli, jaką spełniać winien autor relacji dotyczącej świąt i rocznic. W tekście skupiono się również na funkcjach tego typu przekazów. Możliwe, iż to właśnie newsy dotyczące tego, co niecodzienne organizują wizję czasu i przestrzeni wielu Polaków. Być może omawiane relacje, ukazując to, co powtarzalne, porzadkują chaotyczny przepływ obrazów i dźwięków, jakim de facto jest program informacyjny. Niewykluczone, iż newsy dotyczące świętowania oraz upamiętniania przyczyniają się do integracji/dezintegracji polskiego społeczeństwa.Celem artykułu jest wstępna charakterystyka standardów, przy pomocy których polscy dziennikarze telewizyjni konstruują newsy dotyczące różnorakich uroczystości. W tekście wykazano, że w realiach polskich święta i rocznice często okazują się atrakcyjnym tematem newsa. Niemniej z punktu widzenia reportera ich relacjonowanie bywa też pewnym kłopotem czy wyzwaniem. Przygotowując komunikat dotyczący zdarzenia niecodziennego, dziennikarz stara się godzić wiele sprzecznych nieraz interesów. Można przypuszczać, że dotychczas sami dziennikarze nie zdefiniowali roli, jaką spełniać winien autor relacji dotyczącej świąt i rocznic. W tekście skupiono się również na funkcjach tego typu przekazów. Możliwe, iż to właśnie newsy dotyczące tego, co niecodzienne organizują wizję czasu i przestrzeni wielu Polaków. Być może omawiane relacje, ukazując to, co powtarzalne, porzadkują chaotyczny przepływ obrazów i dźwięków, jakim de facto jest program informacyjny. Niewykluczone, iż newsy dotyczące świętowania oraz upamiętniania przyczyniają się do integracji/dezintegracji polskiego społeczeństwa

    „Prawda Wileńska”

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    In the times of the Polish People’s Republic researchers into the history of the press from 1939 to 1945 focused on the territory of the General Government. After 1989 greater interest began to be concentrated on the part of the Republic of Poland that had been annexed by the USSR. The history of Vilnius during WWII is peculiar as the government changed several times there. The town changed hands between the Soviets, Lithuanians, Soviets again, then the Germans and eventually the Soviets. This has made the history of the Vilnius press from 1939 to 1944 also interesting. This paper presents the history of the daily press published in Vilnius in the Polish language in the period 1940-1941, that is when the town was occupied by the Soviets; particular attention is given to the most important daily – „Prawda Wileńska”.In the times of the Polish People’s Republic researchers into the history of the press from 1939 to 1945 focused on the territory of the General Government. After 1989 greater interest began to be concentrated on the part of the Republic of Poland that had been annexed by the USSR. The history of Vilnius during WWII is peculiar as the government changed several times there. The town changed hands between the Soviets, Lithuanians, Soviets again, then the Germans and eventually the Soviets. This has made the history of the Vilnius press from 1939 to 1944 also interesting. This paper presents the history of the daily press published in Vilnius in the Polish language in the period 1940-1941, that is when the town was occupied by the Soviets; particular attention is given to the most important daily – „Prawda Wileńska”

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