Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Внутренняя и внешняя политика современной России: проблемы взаимозависимости
No full textIn the paper the author analyzes the state of modern Russia and the socio-political processes experienced by society with an emphasis on the role that politicians and the state apparatus play in these processes. He recalls the profile of one of the outstanding economists of the 20th century and Nobel laureate,W. Leontief, indicating the increasingly more obvious and profound discrepancies between the interests of governments and societies. For these discrepancies not to overpower the positive role of the state, care should be taken not to exclude any realms of public life (and individuals) from social criticism. A remedy for this can be provided, in among other ways, by appointing both federal and regional officials for limited terms of office in order to minimize corruption and other types of abuse of power.Autor dokonuje w publikacji analizy stanu współczesnej Rosji, procesów społeczno- politycznych zachodzących w społeczeństwie, a zwłaszcza roli, jakiej w nich odgrywają politycy oraz aparat państwowy. Przypominając postać wybitnego ekonomisty XX wieku, laureata Nagrody Nobla – W. Leontiefa, wskazuje na coraz bardziej widoczne – i coraz głębsze – rozbieżności interesów rządów a społeczeństw. By te rozbieżności nie przesłaniały pozytywnej roli państwa, należy dbać, by nie istniały sfery życia publicznego (a także i osoby), które nie podlegają krytyce społeczeństwa. Remedium na to może być, m.in., kadencyjność urzędników, zarówno na szczeblu federalnym, jak i regionalnym, która ma szansę zminimalizować korupcję i innego rodzaju nadużycia władzy.In the paper the author analyzes the state of modern Russia and the socio-political processes experienced by society with an emphasis on the role that politicians and the state apparatus play in these processes. He recalls the profile of one of the outstanding economists of the 20th century and Nobel laureate,W. Leontief, indicating the increasingly more obvious and profound discrepancies between the interests of governments and societies. For these discrepancies not to overpower the positive role of the state, care should be taken not to exclude any realms of public life (and individuals) from social criticism. A remedy for this can be provided, in among other ways, by appointing both federal and regional officials for limited terms of office in order to minimize corruption and other types of abuse of power
Rola Jacka Kuronia w procesie odradzania się idei społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce
Get PDFWithout doubt, Jacek Kuroń was an outstanding figure in the recent history of Poland. His political platform made a considerable contribution to the development of the organization and political strategy of opposition circles and was equally important in the revival of the idea of civic society in Poland. His whole life long, Kuroń struggled to make the individual central by means of involvement in the organized life of the community. He perceived a civic society as such a community, driven by moral standards and a common good, united by brotherhood, spontaneously organizing itself and shaping its own awareness and attitudes. During the period of his social and political activity Kuroñ struggled to revive the idea of a civic society both under the communist system, and later in a revived independent Poland. The projects he proposed were always preceded by a thorough assessment of the reality that surrounded him, and adapted both to the contemporary political circumstances and the social mood. Kuroń’s postulates were intended to make the society sensitive to the need to care for the common good, to inspire a feeling of responsibility for the state, and they called for social, cultural, economic and political activity, encouraging citizens to participate in running their own country.Without doubt, Jacek Kuroń was an outstanding figure in the recent history of Poland. His political platform made a considerable contribution to the development of the organization and political strategy of opposition circles and was equally important in the revival of the idea of civic society in Poland. His whole life long, Kuroń struggled to make the individual central by means of involvement in the organized life of the community. He perceived a civic society as such a community, driven by moral standards and a common good, united by brotherhood, spontaneously organizing itself and shaping its own awareness and attitudes. During the period of his social and political activity Kuroñ struggled to revive the idea of a civic society both under the communist system, and later in a revived independent Poland. The projects he proposed were always preceded by a thorough assessment of the reality that surrounded him, and adapted both to the contemporary political circumstances and the social mood. Kuroń’s postulates were intended to make the society sensitive to the need to care for the common good, to inspire a feeling of responsibility for the state, and they called for social, cultural, economic and political activity, encouraging citizens to participate in running their own country
Decentralizacja władzy publicznej w Polsce na przykładzie samorządu terytorialnego
Get PDFThe political and social transformations of 1989 in Poland were primarily related to the profound democratization of the apparatus of public authority, resulting in the almost total abandonment of the unified, centralized structure. In the realm of public administration this process is illustrated by the thorough decentralization of the administrative apparatus. The current model of administration assumes that is it is exercised both by the apparatus of the centralized governmental administration and by a diversified system of independent organs and institutions that perform public tasks vested in them by virtue of law in their own names and on their own accounts. The subject of this paper is the reinstatement of territorial self-government which constituted an integral part of this process.The political and social transformations of 1989 in Poland were primarily related to the profound democratization of the apparatus of public authority, resulting in the almost total abandonment of the unified, centralized structure. In the realm of public administration this process is illustrated by the thorough decentralization of the administrative apparatus. The current model of administration assumes that is it is exercised both by the apparatus of the centralized governmental administration and by a diversified system of independent organs and institutions that perform public tasks vested in them by virtue of law in their own names and on their own accounts. The subject of this paper is the reinstatement of territorial self-government which constituted an integral part of this process
Transformacja systemów politycznych Polski i Ukrainy: charakterystyka porównawcza głównych tendencji
Get PDFThis paper is a comparative analysis of the characteristic and most important trends in the development of political systems in Poland and Ukraine. It concerns the major issues pertaining to the post-soviet neo-patrimonial system, the structuring of political and economic processes, and the zone of genuine political struggle. The paper also indicates the major tendencies in the development of the political system in Ukraine.This paper is a comparative analysis of the characteristic and most important trends in the development of political systems in Poland and Ukraine. It concerns the major issues pertaining to the post-soviet neo-patrimonial system, the structuring of political and economic processes, and the zone of genuine political struggle. The paper also indicates the major tendencies in the development of the political system in Ukraine
Wybory jako forma legitymizacji władzy w Polsce w dwudziestoleciu przemian ustrojowych
Get PDFDuring the political transformation in Poland, electoral law was frequently changed. The general principles, already adopted in 1991, were maintained in parliamentary elections (to the Sejm). The changes only affected the detailed solutions concerning how the votes were calculated as mandates, and the sizes of constituencies. The so-called elective thresholds, which were introduced in 1993, have been maintained. In practice, the result of the current system of parliamentary elections is that the parties that attract approximately 25% of the votes cast by all those authorized to vote, win over half the parliamentary mandates, thereby exercising power. Therefore, the claim that a democratic electoral system is based on the principle of majority rule seems doubtful here, as what we actually get entails the rule of the largest social group, or at least the one that has the most effective organization. Contrary to popular belief, the majority elections to the Senate do not change the above rule. A voter supporting a given candidate in these elections is mainly directed by the political group which supports this candidate. The electoral system to the Senate was finally formed in 1991 and only slightly amended in 2001. Asingle-mandate constituency in the elections to the upper chamber of the parliament was only introduced by Electoral Law in 2011.During the political transformation in Poland, electoral law was frequently changed. The general principles, already adopted in 1991, were maintained in parliamentary elections (to the Sejm). The changes only affected the detailed solutions concerning how the votes were calculated as mandates, and the sizes of constituencies. The so-called elective thresholds, which were introduced in 1993, have been maintained. In practice, the result of the current system of parliamentary elections is that the parties that attract approximately 25% of the votes cast by all those authorized to vote, win over half the parliamentary mandates, thereby exercising power. Therefore, the claim that a democratic electoral system is based on the principle of majority rule seems doubtful here, as what we actually get entails the rule of the largest social group, or at least the one that has the most effective organization. Contrary to popular belief, the majority elections to the Senate do not change the above rule. A voter supporting a given candidate in these elections is mainly directed by the political group which supports this candidate. The electoral system to the Senate was finally formed in 1991 and only slightly amended in 2001. Asingle-mandate constituency in the elections to the upper chamber of the parliament was only introduced by Electoral Law in 2011
Prawne aspekty działalności Środków Masowej Informacji w Europie i Kazachstanie: problemy implementacji i realizacji
Get PDFKazakhstan is in the process of developing the legal foundations providing freedom of speech for the gathering, processing and spreading of information, as well as for the organization and activities of journalists and the mass media. There are a number of objective factors that are driving this process in Kazakhstan, including gradual democratization and modernization, entering the civilized international arena, ratification of commonly acknowledged and regional documents on human and civic freedoms and rights, transborder movement, information flow, etc. State authorities are gradually changing their attitude to the mass media; special departments dedicated to cooperation with journalists are being set up in state structures and official information is being spread by various means, including the Internet. The authorities are implementing a project providing governmental information electronically and the openness of judicial proceedings is developing in a similar manner.Kazakhstan is in the process of developing the legal foundations providing freedom of speech for the gathering, processing and spreading of information, as well as for the organization and activities of journalists and the mass media. There are a number of objective factors that are driving this process in Kazakhstan, including gradual democratization and modernization, entering the civilized international arena, ratification of commonly acknowledged and regional documents on human and civic freedoms and rights, transborder movement, information flow, etc. State authorities are gradually changing their attitude to the mass media; special departments dedicated to cooperation with journalists are being set up in state structures and official information is being spread by various means, including the Internet. The authorities are implementing a project providing governmental information electronically and the openness of judicial proceedings is developing in a similar manner
Białoruś Łukaszenki – od demokracji do rządów autorytarnych
No full textAlexander Lukashenko assumed power in 2004, having won the first democratic presidential elections in Belarus. Shortly after the elections, he set about reinforcing his position and took steps to restore the solutions applied during soviet times, the only difference being that the President’s administrative powers began to expand, instead of those of political party structures. The presidential position was further strengthened as a consequence of a referendum held in May 1995, when Belarusian society supported Lukashenko’s efforts aimed at closer integration of his country with Russia. The electorate also approved the return of a slightly modified national emblem and flag from the soviet times, and the equality of rights of the Russian and Belarusian languages. Struggling against the opposition, the President was aware that the durability of his success would depend on restoring balance to the national economy. The steps he proposed for this purpose assumed returning to the solutions applied during the times of a centrally planned economy, proposals which were supported by the majority of Belarusians. In the early 21st century, the authoritarian Belarusian system was founded on a relatively smoothly operating centrally controlled economy and increasing control of the state in the realms of politics and culture. More than fifteen years of Alexander Lukashenko’s rule have shown him capable of establishing an efficient system allowing a single person to hold power while maintaining a superficial appearance of democracy. The authoritarian system of Belarus skillfully combines nostalgia for the soviet system with strong presidential authority.Alexander Lukashenko assumed power in 2004, having won the first democratic presidential elections in Belarus. Shortly after the elections, he set about reinforcing his position and took steps to restore the solutions applied during soviet times, the only difference being that the President’s administrative powers began to expand, instead of those of political party structures. The presidential position was further strengthened as a consequence of a referendum held in May 1995, when Belarusian society supported Lukashenko’s efforts aimed at closer integration of his country with Russia. The electorate also approved the return of a slightly modified national emblem and flag from the soviet times, and the equality of rights of the Russian and Belarusian languages. Struggling against the opposition, the President was aware that the durability of his success would depend on restoring balance to the national economy. The steps he proposed for this purpose assumed returning to the solutions applied during the times of a centrally planned economy, proposals which were supported by the majority of Belarusians. In the early 21st century, the authoritarian Belarusian system was founded on a relatively smoothly operating centrally controlled economy and increasing control of the state in the realms of politics and culture. More than fifteen years of Alexander Lukashenko’s rule have shown him capable of establishing an efficient system allowing a single person to hold power while maintaining a superficial appearance of democracy. The authoritarian system of Belarus skillfully combines nostalgia for the soviet system with strong presidential authority
Efektywność zmian w ukraińskim systemie wyborczym w procesie transformacji
Get PDFOver the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections
