Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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    Korelacje poziomu bezrobocia i wyników wyborów do Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

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    The results of opinion polls in Poland and in the EU show that unemployment is treated as the most significant social issue. The identification of the directions of correlations and their interrelations allows us to verify the hypothesis that such a determined outlook of public opinion should imply a strong correlation between unemployment rates and the results of parliamentary elections. The analysis takes into account selected contextual variables. As a result, the analysis of the strength of correlation and determination indicators is carried out using linear regression. Determination indicators allow indirect conclusions to be drawn on the level of influence exerted by the unemployment rate on the outcome of elections. The examined correlations are juxtaposed against the correlation of income levels and election results to indicate stronger relations between these variables and the results of elections than those that were the main subject of the analysis.The results of opinion polls in Poland and in the EU show that unemployment is treated as the most significant social issue. The identification of the directions of correlations and their interrelations allows us to verify the hypothesis that such a determined outlook of public opinion should imply a strong correlation between unemployment rates and the results of parliamentary elections. The analysis takes into account selected contextual variables. As a result, the analysis of the strength of correlation and determination indicators is carried out using linear regression. Determination indicators allow indirect conclusions to be drawn on the level of influence exerted by the unemployment rate on the outcome of elections. The examined correlations are juxtaposed against the correlation of income levels and election results to indicate stronger relations between these variables and the results of elections than those that were the main subject of the analysis

    Rekwizyt jako narzędzie komunikowania politycznego

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    A product that needs to be promoted and sold and the information published in the media alike undergo a process of ‘merchandization’. Therefore a given message has to be included in the mainstream media content observing the principle of maximized profit, or, in this case, reaching a mass audience. This generates the realm of specialized competition to win an individual’s interest, named ‘attention economics’ by Georg Franck. In order to get the message across to concrete recipients, broadcasters have to take appropriate steps to prevent their information from being rejected. For this purpose the actors on the political stage apply modern communication tools to (directly) attract the attention of the (indirectly) mass media audience. One such tool is a prop that can be used as a means to deprecate an opponent, an element of a political image, a source of symbolism, or an iconographic form used to present the issue in question. Trying to attract the attention of mediators in the communication process is a strategy to win popularity, which is in turn supposed to increase the probability of success during the elections, which increasingly more often are becoming a pure popularity poll.A product that needs to be promoted and sold and the information published in the media alike undergo a process of ‘merchandization’. Therefore a given message has to be included in the mainstream media content observing the principle of maximized profit, or, in this case, reaching a mass audience. This generates the realm of specialized competition to win an individual’s interest, named ‘attention economics’ by Georg Franck. In order to get the message across to concrete recipients, broadcasters have to take appropriate steps to prevent their information from being rejected. For this purpose the actors on the political stage apply modern communication tools to (directly) attract the attention of the (indirectly) mass media audience. One such tool is a prop that can be used as a means to deprecate an opponent, an element of a political image, a source of symbolism, or an iconographic form used to present the issue in question. Trying to attract the attention of mediators in the communication process is a strategy to win popularity, which is in turn supposed to increase the probability of success during the elections, which increasingly more often are becoming a pure popularity poll

    Temat polityczny w sztuce krytycznej na przykładzie Fear and Trembling Grzegorza Klamana

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    The objective of the paper is to emphasize political themes as inspiration for artists and an interpretational key for the works of so-called critical art, based on the example of Fear and Trembling by Grzegorz Klaman from 2007. The analysis concerns the installation and its exhibition context of the third review of modern art, Mediations Biennale, entitled Niepojmowalne/The Unknown, held in Poznań, Poland, from September 14 to October 14, 2012. Fear and Trembling refers to Søren Kierkegaard’s book by the same title from 1843. The issue tackled by the Danish philosopher, and referred to by the Polish artist, concerns the relation between ethics and faith. Klaman’s installation is a form of statement about a reality where one’s religious outlook has a bearing on one’s political decisions and can lead to armed conflict. Examples of religious arguments used in order to justify violence are provided, among others, by the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict over Palestine.The objective of the paper is to emphasize political themes as inspiration for artists and an interpretational key for the works of so-called critical art, based on the example of Fear and Trembling by Grzegorz Klaman from 2007. The analysis concerns the installation and its exhibition context of the third review of modern art, Mediations Biennale, entitled Niepojmowalne/The Unknown, held in Poznań, Poland, from September 14 to October 14, 2012. Fear and Trembling refers to Søren Kierkegaard’s book by the same title from 1843. The issue tackled by the Danish philosopher, and referred to by the Polish artist, concerns the relation between ethics and faith. Klaman’s installation is a form of statement about a reality where one’s religious outlook has a bearing on one’s political decisions and can lead to armed conflict. Examples of religious arguments used in order to justify violence are provided, among others, by the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict over Palestine

    Polska i Białoruś – trudne sąsiedztwo. Polityka „krytycznego dialogu” wobec autorytarnej Białorusi

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    For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future. For over ten years Polish-Belarusian political relations have been characterized by a lack of opportunities for real collaboration, caused by the non-democratic nature of the Belarusian political system. The international isolation of its authoritarian regime also influences bilateral relations. In the period from 1996–2008 Poland adopted a principle of critical dialogue in its policy towards Belarus. This implied official criticism of the infringement of human rights and breaking of democratic rules while refraining from a total abandonment of dialogue with the Belarusian authorities, although the level and intensity of this dialogue was significantly diminished. It was assumed that the complete isolation of the Belarusian authorities was not in Polish interests and preferential treatment would help to ensure the fundamental rights of the Polish minority in Belarus. This policy turned out to be ineffective, though, in relation to a state that does not acknowledge the basic principles and laws of international relations. To a large extent, the specific character of the Belarusian political system has been, and will remain, the greatest obstacle in the further development of Polish-Belarusian relations, and will significantly restrict the possibility of building good relations in the future.

    Artykulacja i realizacja interesów ekologicznych w modelu autorytarnym

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    W systemach autorytarnych (niedemokratycznych) władza pod wpływem nacisków oddolnych niezależnych ruchów ekologicznych może zweryfikować swoje stanowisko traktując postulaty ochrony środowiska jako quasi polityczne, a nie stricte polityczne. Systemy autorytarne respektują interesy ekologiczne pod wpływem nacisków oddolnych, a nieautorytarne w wyniku polaryzacji opinii społecznej, która przekształciła się w formę nacisku demokratycznego. Istotną cechą autorytaryzmu jest jego złożoność, syndromatyczność. Określone przekonania i tendencje nie występują w sposób wyizolowany.Większość badań wskazuje na silną korelację między poszczególnymi elementami autorytarnego syndromu u osób żyjących w różnych kulturach, aczkolwiek można zaobserwować pewną zmienność w zakresie najbardziej charakterystycznych jego rysów w różnych społeczeństwach. Jednym z istotnych rysów autorytaryzmu jest silne przekonanie o respektowaniu władzy i połączona z nim potrzeba podporządkowania się władzy. Autorytaryzm pozostaje w związku z poglądami i postawami dotyczącymi określonego systemu politycznego i nie jest z nim tożsamy (1). Stosunek państwo–obywatel to jedna z podstawowych kategorii w teoriach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W państwach autorytarnych, czy totalitarnych społeczeństwo walczy z państwem o swoje prawaW systemach autorytarnych (niedemokratycznych) władza pod wpływem nacisków oddolnych niezależnych ruchów ekologicznych może zweryfikować swoje stanowisko traktując postulaty ochrony środowiska jako quasi polityczne, a nie stricte polityczne. Systemy autorytarne respektują interesy ekologiczne pod wpływem nacisków oddolnych, a nieautorytarne w wyniku polaryzacji opinii społecznej, która przekształciła się w formę nacisku demokratycznego. Istotną cechą autorytaryzmu jest jego złożoność, syndromatyczność. Określone przekonania i tendencje nie występują w sposób wyizolowany.Większość badań wskazuje na silną korelację między poszczególnymi elementami autorytarnego syndromu u osób żyjących w różnych kulturach, aczkolwiek można zaobserwować pewną zmienność w zakresie najbardziej charakterystycznych jego rysów w różnych społeczeństwach. Jednym z istotnych rysów autorytaryzmu jest silne przekonanie o respektowaniu władzy i połączona z nim potrzeba podporządkowania się władzy. Autorytaryzm pozostaje w związku z poglądami i postawami dotyczącymi określonego systemu politycznego i nie jest z nim tożsamy (1). Stosunek państwo–obywatel to jedna z podstawowych kategorii w teoriach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W państwach autorytarnych, czy totalitarnych społeczeństwo walczy z państwem o swoje praw

    Zasoby wodne w Republice Kirgiskiej i państwach regionu Azji Centralnej jako jeden z aspektów geopolityki

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    The paper analyzes the concept of water resources as one of the aspects of geopolitics. It addresses the contemporary state of water relations, as well as their evolution in various periods of Central Asia’s history. It also presents the disputes concerning the joint management of cross-border water resources by Central Asia’s republics. Domestic and international regulations are examined alongside the unilateral policy of Central Asia’s states, which may result in conflicts over water resources.The paper analyzes the concept of water resources as one of the aspects of geopolitics. It addresses the contemporary state of water relations, as well as their evolution in various periods of Central Asia’s history. It also presents the disputes concerning the joint management of cross-border water resources by Central Asia’s republics. Domestic and international regulations are examined alongside the unilateral policy of Central Asia’s states, which may result in conflicts over water resources

    Dwie dekady stosunków Polski z Litwą – wymiar polityczny

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    Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to announce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaśniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries’ relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius.Lithuania was among the first republics of the disintegrating Soviet Union to announce its declaration of independence, and in September 1991 established diplomatic relations with Poland. In January 1992, both countries signed a joint declaration, and in April 1994 they signed the Treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. Over the next 10 years, ways of achieving foreign policy objectives shared by both countries were sought and eventually worked out. Mutual support in pursuit of becoming a member of NATO and of the European Union was visible, which eventually turned into profound relations that were referred to as a strategic partnership. A network of cooperation was formed. It included deep political contacts at all levels and the paying of first foreign visits after being sworn in, which on the Polish side was initiated in 1996 by President A. Kwaśniewski, has become a symbol. Both countries have undertaken joint initiatives to improve energy security and military cooperation, and conduct cross-border and interregional cooperation. The end of the second decade of the two countries’ relations showed, however, that unresolved problems, mainly related to the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania, have been increasingly influencing the policy of steadily building good neighborly relations between Warsaw and Vilnius

    Ewolucja marketingu politycznego w percepcji wyborców

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    The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how political marketing is perceived by voters. The paper poses research questions and hypotheses with respect to the potential positive and negative consequences of the development of marketing-oriented politics. The empirical part confronts those assumptions with the reality. It presents the results of research into the perception of political marketing by university students in Poznań.The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how political marketing is perceived by voters. The paper poses research questions and hypotheses with respect to the potential positive and negative consequences of the development of marketing-oriented politics. The empirical part confronts those assumptions with the reality. It presents the results of research into the perception of political marketing by university students in Poznań

    Religia jako ideologia. Status religioznawstwa i problem transcendencji

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    The paper attempts to expand and transform the religious notion of transcendence, as well as the way in which religion is defined, which in Polish religious studies is dominated by a denominational approach, where the social functions of religion in particular (which according to academic religious studies determine the essential character of a religion) are considered ‘non-specific,’ while the ‘specific’ functions are those that the religion itself assumes to be such. The paper states that the essential character of religion goes beyond its social functions to encompass broadly understood ideological functions. This claim is illustrated by an analysis of the biblical story of the creation of the world and man, as this story demonstrates that religion is a product of the biblical axiological dilemma interpreted from an authoritarian viewpoint.The paper attempts to expand and transform the religious notion of transcendence, as well as the way in which religion is defined, which in Polish religious studies is dominated by a denominational approach, where the social functions of religion in particular (which according to academic religious studies determine the essential character of a religion) are considered ‘non-specific,’ while the ‘specific’ functions are those that the religion itself assumes to be such. The paper states that the essential character of religion goes beyond its social functions to encompass broadly understood ideological functions. This claim is illustrated by an analysis of the biblical story of the creation of the world and man, as this story demonstrates that religion is a product of the biblical axiological dilemma interpreted from an authoritarian viewpoint

    Harcownik – nowy typ wizerunku politycznego

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    The paper discusses the theoretical prerequisites for applying the notion of a political image to the analysis of political reality in terms of marketing. The author particularly emphasizes the personal traits that condition a politician’s image. He indicates that modern mass media demonstrate the need to present politics as both struggle and entertainment. This necessitates the need for politicians’ new images to combine the apparently contradictory features of hero and jester. One of these images is that of a political skirmisher.The paper discusses the theoretical prerequisites for applying the notion of a political image to the analysis of political reality in terms of marketing. The author particularly emphasizes the personal traits that condition a politician’s image. He indicates that modern mass media demonstrate the need to present politics as both struggle and entertainment. This necessitates the need for politicians’ new images to combine the apparently contradictory features of hero and jester. One of these images is that of a political skirmisher

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