Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Polityka obrony mniejszości narodowych i polityka zagraniczna Węgier. Casus Karty Węgra w stosunkach węgiersko-słowackich i węgiersko-rumuńskich
The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland.The Hungarian Card exemplifies how to solve nationality and citizenship issues in the transforming international reality after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the expansion of the European Union. Regardless of the dispute in Hungary, as well as among EU politicians, Hungarian law has emphasized the need to redefine the concept of the nation, or even to substitute the political sense of this concept with the status of state membership or citizenship. The Hungarian Card, how it was passed and then successively amended, evidences that a regional policy is actually operating in Central Europe. Additionally, this Hungarian law has accelerated work on similar regulations in other countries, including Poland
Rola referendum w powstawaniu państw po 1989 r. w Europie
The institution of the referendum is one of the forms of direct democracy. Referendums are understood as direct suffrage on important matters of state, or a part of its territory, that constitute the subject of the vote. In the processes of democratic transformation, outlooks on this institution of direct democracy evolve. Referendums have become a tool to express the will of the nation to choose in matters of sovereignty. This form of asking the nation has turned out to be effective for those communities with a strong sense of national identity and the belief that it is necessary for the state to be revived as a sovereign entity. The results of the referenda held in the Baltic states, in the Balkans and Ukraine have confirmed their peoples’ wills to independently exist within the framework of a sovereign state.The institution of the referendum is one of the forms of direct democracy. Referendums are understood as direct suffrage on important matters of state, or a part of its territory, that constitute the subject of the vote. In the processes of democratic transformation, outlooks on this institution of direct democracy evolve. Referendums have become a tool to express the will of the nation to choose in matters of sovereignty. This form of asking the nation has turned out to be effective for those communities with a strong sense of national identity and the belief that it is necessary for the state to be revived as a sovereign entity. The results of the referenda held in the Baltic states, in the Balkans and Ukraine have confirmed their peoples’ wills to independently exist within the framework of a sovereign state
Integracja europejska w mikroperspektywie. Graniczne miasta bliźniacze w Europie Zachodniej i Środkowo-Wschodniej
The dynamization of integration processes in Europe has generated numerous research topics for political analysis. Border integration is an expression of the broader unification processes of certain structures. It is also a manifestation of the observation that people think globally, but function locally. The European integration perspective is therefore practically implemented in micro structures, exemplified by border twin towns. The objective of this paper is to revive the micro perspective as a useful approach in the investigation of integration processes. This perspective is applied in the field of border studies, which focus on research into the transformation of European borders resulting from integration processes, as well as on the transformations of the concepts of statehood, territoriality and sovereignty. It is assumed that these phenomena are definitely more observable at the outskirts of states than in their centers. Theoretical and empirical considerations are based on the example of border twin towns, as the European units of local government that integrate across borders. The main differences between the integration of towns in Western Europe and Central and Eastern Europe are also indicated in the analysis.The dynamization of integration processes in Europe has generated numerous research topics for political analysis. Border integration is an expression of the broader unification processes of certain structures. It is also a manifestation of the observation that people think globally, but function locally. The European integration perspective is therefore practically implemented in micro structures, exemplified by border twin towns. The objective of this paper is to revive the micro perspective as a useful approach in the investigation of integration processes. This perspective is applied in the field of border studies, which focus on research into the transformation of European borders resulting from integration processes, as well as on the transformations of the concepts of statehood, territoriality and sovereignty. It is assumed that these phenomena are definitely more observable at the outskirts of states than in their centers. Theoretical and empirical considerations are based on the example of border twin towns, as the European units of local government that integrate across borders. The main differences between the integration of towns in Western Europe and Central and Eastern Europe are also indicated in the analysis
Dorota Malczewska-Pawelec, Tomasz Pawelec, Rewolucja w pamięci historycznej. Porównawcze studia nad praktykami manipulacji zbiorową pamięcią Polaków w czasach stalinowskich, Wydawnictwo Universitas, Kraków 2011, ss. 304.
abstrak
Media jako forma przedstawień zbiorowych polityki i jej teoriopoznawcze uwarunkowania
The paper touches upon the issue of media behavior in the market of public communication and the epistemological determinants of the process of media imaging of political reality. Consequently, it becomes feasible to distinguish two types ofmessages: one focused on information and the other concentrated on overt or covert persuasion. Thus, the author emphasizes the ritual function of the media, which meets the needs of average recipients as well as those of commercialized media. Therefore a certain interaction ritual of the media that takes place between them and their audience points to the media as entities dynamically responding to changing circumstances and aware of their own potential to create reality.The paper touches upon the issue of media behavior in the market of public communication and the epistemological determinants of the process of media imaging of political reality. Consequently, it becomes feasible to distinguish two types ofmessages: one focused on information and the other concentrated on overt or covert persuasion. Thus, the author emphasizes the ritual function of the media, which meets the needs of average recipients as well as those of commercialized media. Therefore a certain interaction ritual of the media that takes place between them and their audience points to the media as entities dynamically responding to changing circumstances and aware of their own potential to create reality
The Rise of 24-hour News Television. Global Perspective, pod red. Stephena Cushiona i Justina Lewisa,Wydawnictwo Peter Lang, Nowy Jork 2010, ss. 350.
Review: Recenzja: The Rise of 24-hour News Television. Global Perspective, pod red. Stephena Cushiona i Justina Lewisa,Wydawnictwo Peter Lang, Nowy Jork 2010, ss. 350.Recenzja: The Rise of 24-hour News Television. Global Perspective, pod red. Stephena Cushiona i Justina Lewisa,Wydawnictwo Peter Lang, Nowy Jork 2010, ss. 350
Piąta fala: Cypryjczycy tureccy i powstanie nowych państw narodowych w erze po 11 września 2001
Zakończenie zimnej wojny zaowocowało dużymi zmianami na arenie międzynarodowej. Pojawiło się ponad dwadzieścia nowych podmiotów, a szczególnego znaczenia znowu nabrały takie pojęcia jak suwerenność, naród czy prawo do samostanowienia. W jednym z wcześniejszych artykułów z 2002 roku Ahmet Sözen sugerował, iż dotychczas można było zaobserwować cztery fale kształtowania się państw narodowych: pierwsza – 1789–1914; druga – 1914–1945; trzecia – 1945–1989; czwarta – lata dziewięćdziesiąte XX wieku. Początek XXI wieku wiąże się z kolei z pojawieniem się tak zwanej piątej fali, w okresie po zamachach z 11 września, która mogła objąć także społeczność Tureckich Cypryjczyków. W artykule przedstawionych został szereg argumentów, które dowodzą, iż pomimo woli współtworzenia państwa cypryjskiego z Greckimi Cypryjczykami, wyrażonymi podczas referendum z 2004 roku, Tureccy Cypryjczycy nie mają obecnie możliwości ani go współtworzyć, ani także liczyć na możliwość usankcjonowania istnienia własnego, odrębnego państwa narodowego, czyli Tureckiej Republiki Północnego Cypru, utworzonej na podstawie jednostronnej deklaracji w 1983 roku.Zakończenie zimnej wojny zaowocowało dużymi zmianami na arenie międzynarodowej. Pojawiło się ponad dwadzieścia nowych podmiotów, a szczególnego znaczenia znowu nabrały takie pojęcia jak suwerenność, naród czy prawo do samostanowienia. W jednym z wcześniejszych artykułów z 2002 roku Ahmet Sözen sugerował, iż dotychczas można było zaobserwować cztery fale kształtowania się państw narodowych: pierwsza – 1789–1914; druga – 1914–1945; trzecia – 1945–1989; czwarta – lata dziewięćdziesiąte XX wieku. Początek XXI wieku wiąże się z kolei z pojawieniem się tak zwanej piątej fali, w okresie po zamachach z 11 września, która mogła objąć także społeczność Tureckich Cypryjczyków. W artykule przedstawionych został szereg argumentów, które dowodzą, iż pomimo woli współtworzenia państwa cypryjskiego z Greckimi Cypryjczykami, wyrażonymi podczas referendum z 2004 roku, Tureccy Cypryjczycy nie mają obecnie możliwości ani go współtworzyć, ani także liczyć na możliwość usankcjonowania istnienia własnego, odrębnego państwa narodowego, czyli Tureckiej Republiki Północnego Cypru, utworzonej na podstawie jednostronnej deklaracji w 1983 roku
Kontynuacja czy przełom? Obraz PRL i geneza transformacji systemowej w prasie białostockiej lat 1989–1991
The political transformation that commenced in 1989 resulted in changes in the political and economic systems of Poland. The Polish People’s Republic (PRL) ceased to exist and the Third Republic was born. While this is quite obvious from the perspective of year 2011, the content of the articles published in Bia³ystok dailies from 1989 through 1991 shows that it was not so apparent then that the year 1989 was a breakthrough. The assessment of the PRL was crucial for the process of attitude changes both in society and journalists. In 1989, Bia³ystok dailies presented a positive account of this period, while in 1991 their assessment was more complex. No one would defend the communist system as a whole any more; some painted it in dark colors, while others counterpointed its merits and weaknesses in an attempt at a balanced assessment. The main bone of contention was the political system of the PRL, the most important events of the 1980s, the great national movement that developed as ‘Solidarity’, martial law and the economic crisis. The author is interested in the Bia³ystok dailies’ attitude to these issues.The political transformation that commenced in 1989 resulted in changes in the political and economic systems of Poland. The Polish People’s Republic (PRL) ceased to exist and the Third Republic was born. While this is quite obvious from the perspective of year 2011, the content of the articles published in Bia³ystok dailies from 1989 through 1991 shows that it was not so apparent then that the year 1989 was a breakthrough. The assessment of the PRL was crucial for the process of attitude changes both in society and journalists. In 1989, Bia³ystok dailies presented a positive account of this period, while in 1991 their assessment was more complex. No one would defend the communist system as a whole any more; some painted it in dark colors, while others counterpointed its merits and weaknesses in an attempt at a balanced assessment. The main bone of contention was the political system of the PRL, the most important events of the 1980s, the great national movement that developed as ‘Solidarity’, martial law and the economic crisis. The author is interested in the Bia³ystok dailies’ attitude to these issues
Vít Hloušek, Lubomír Kopeèek, Origin, ideology and transformation of political parties: East-Central and Western Europe compared, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Surrey 2010, ss. 238.
abstrak
Pozycja i znaczenie partii wywodzących się z systemu niedemokratycznego na scenie partyjnej w Polsce, Czechach, Słowacji i na Węgrzech po 1989 r.
Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author’s interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections.Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author’s interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections