Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Not a member yet
    932 research outputs found

    Misje wojskowe Unii Europejskiej w Afryce

    Get PDF
    The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations.The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations

    Rola mass mediów w kryzysie gospodarczym. Przypadek Uzbekistanu

    Get PDF
    Lokalne i globalne media przeżywają aktualnie gwałtowny rozwój, będący skutkiem postępu technicznego. Nie można dziś rozróżniać pomiędzy mediami europejskimi, dziennikarstwem zachodnim, mediami Azji czy dziennikarstwem Afryki. Jak powiedział D. Rendall są dwa rodzaje dziennikarstwa: dobry i zły (1996). Wszystkie mass media stoją wobec globalnego rozwoju. Wskutek rozpoczętej z końcem dwudziestego wieku globalizacji zwiększyły się możliwości przekazywania informacji we wszystkich dziedzinach nauki i kultury, wraz z dziennikarstwem. Pojawienie się internetu, jako jednego z rodzajów mass mediów, zmieniło ich świat. Internet nie wymaga ponoszenia kolosalnych kosztów założycielskich czy dystrybucyjnych. Ze względu na potencjał techniczny internetu inne mass media stoją dziś w obliczu kryzysu. Ostatnio pojawiły się doniesienia o zmniejszaniu nakładów gazet. Warto odnotować, że kryzys dziennikarstwa nie jest wynikiem globalnego kryzysu gospodarczego, ale skutkiem pojawienia się nowych mass mediów. Kryzys gospodarczy rozpoczął się w Stanach Zjednoczonych by objąć cały świat. Globalna gospodarka obawia się teraz jego drugiej fali, płynącej z Europy, chociaż eksperci mają nadzieję, że będzie łagodniejsza niż kryzys amerykański. Skąd wziął się światowy kryzys i jak można mu zapobiec w Uzbekistanie? Artykuł analizuje dwa główne zagadnienia. Pierwsza część poświęcona jest światowemu kryzysowi gospodarczemu i metodom zastosowanym w Uzbekistanie by stawić mu czoła. W części drugiej omówiono kryzys dziennikarstwa i kwestię, dlaczego kryzys mediów rozpoczął się jeszcze przed kryzysem gospodarczym i trwa do dziś. Artykuł koncentruje się na internecie jako nowym medium i stosunkiem innych mediów do internetu.Lokalne i globalne media przeżywają aktualnie gwałtowny rozwój, będący skutkiem postępu technicznego. Nie można dziś rozróżniać pomiędzy mediami europejskimi, dziennikarstwem zachodnim, mediami Azji czy dziennikarstwem Afryki. Jak powiedział D. Rendall są dwa rodzaje dziennikarstwa: dobry i zły (1996). Wszystkie mass media stoją wobec globalnego rozwoju. Wskutek rozpoczętej z końcem dwudziestego wieku globalizacji zwiększyły się możliwości przekazywania informacji we wszystkich dziedzinach nauki i kultury, wraz z dziennikarstwem. Pojawienie się internetu, jako jednego z rodzajów mass mediów, zmieniło ich świat. Internet nie wymaga ponoszenia kolosalnych kosztów założycielskich czy dystrybucyjnych. Ze względu na potencjał techniczny internetu inne mass media stoją dziś w obliczu kryzysu. Ostatnio pojawiły się doniesienia o zmniejszaniu nakładów gazet. Warto odnotować, że kryzys dziennikarstwa nie jest wynikiem globalnego kryzysu gospodarczego, ale skutkiem pojawienia się nowych mass mediów. Kryzys gospodarczy rozpoczął się w Stanach Zjednoczonych by objąć cały świat. Globalna gospodarka obawia się teraz jego drugiej fali, płynącej z Europy, chociaż eksperci mają nadzieję, że będzie łagodniejsza niż kryzys amerykański. Skąd wziął się światowy kryzys i jak można mu zapobiec w Uzbekistanie? Artykuł analizuje dwa główne zagadnienia. Pierwsza część poświęcona jest światowemu kryzysowi gospodarczemu i metodom zastosowanym w Uzbekistanie by stawić mu czoła. W części drugiej omówiono kryzys dziennikarstwa i kwestię, dlaczego kryzys mediów rozpoczął się jeszcze przed kryzysem gospodarczym i trwa do dziś. Artykuł koncentruje się na internecie jako nowym medium i stosunkiem innych mediów do internetu

    Rola fotografii w komunikowaniu politycznym na przykładzie „portretu podwójnego” Lecha i Marii Kaczyńskich

    Get PDF
    The catastrophe in Smoleńsk has significantly affected the image of Lech Kaczyński presented in the media, which has quite clearly translated into social opinions. Words of praise for his presidency and remarks that he had been underestimated became increasingly frequent. The picture of Mr and Mrs Kaczyński therefore became a tool for generating a new image of the President, facilitating a kind of posthumous ‘rebranding’. This image breakthrough provided the Law and Justice (PiS) party with the ‘added value’ of the sympathy of most of the media and the social trust Maria Kaczyńska enjoyed before and after April 10, 2010, in contrast to her husband. The ‘double portrait,’ multiplied by the press at the time of national mourning, later became an expression of an affirmative approach extended to a defined political circle. It is not surprising then that PiS, which has emphasized the value of ‘Lech Kaczyński’s testament’ and assumed the role of the depositary of his policy, has utilized the photography of the presidential couple (and their biographies) on many occasions.The catastrophe in Smoleńsk has significantly affected the image of Lech Kaczyński presented in the media, which has quite clearly translated into social opinions. Words of praise for his presidency and remarks that he had been underestimated became increasingly frequent. The picture of Mr and Mrs Kaczyński therefore became a tool for generating a new image of the President, facilitating a kind of posthumous ‘rebranding’. This image breakthrough provided the Law and Justice (PiS) party with the ‘added value’ of the sympathy of most of the media and the social trust Maria Kaczyńska enjoyed before and after April 10, 2010, in contrast to her husband. The ‘double portrait,’ multiplied by the press at the time of national mourning, later became an expression of an affirmative approach extended to a defined political circle. It is not surprising then that PiS, which has emphasized the value of ‘Lech Kaczyński’s testament’ and assumed the role of the depositary of his policy, has utilized the photography of the presidential couple (and their biographies) on many occasions

    Język polityki w warunkach kampanii permanentnej na przykładzie miasta Wałbrzycha

    No full text
    The dynamic development of information channels influences the form and nature of the activities of political actors. This is particularly true for the mechanisms and rules typical of political competition at a local level. Therefore, it is justified to present the most significant phenomena, trends and activities with respect to the language of political actors active in Wałbrzych in the context of a permanent election campaign. These include, among other things, the essentially impoverished and vulgarized language of politics. It is also necessary to analyze the metaphors and the degree of persuasiveness of this language. It is also appropriate to present the ideas used for this purpose. The timeframe of the paper’s subject is marked by the elections for the office of town mayor and seats on the council in 2010 and the repeat elections in 2011.The dynamic development of information channels influences the form and nature of the activities of political actors. This is particularly true for the mechanisms and rules typical of political competition at a local level. Therefore, it is justified to present the most significant phenomena, trends and activities with respect to the language of political actors active in Wałbrzych in the context of a permanent election campaign. These include, among other things, the essentially impoverished and vulgarized language of politics. It is also necessary to analyze the metaphors and the degree of persuasiveness of this language. It is also appropriate to present the ideas used for this purpose. The timeframe of the paper’s subject is marked by the elections for the office of town mayor and seats on the council in 2010 and the repeat elections in 2011

    Przymus wyborczy a legitymizacja władzy politycznej

    Get PDF
    One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights.One of the gravest problems of modern democracies is undoubtedly low electoral turnout. Numerous states try to prevent low turnout in different ways. One method to increase it may involve the introduction of compulsory voting, which is a legally regulated prescript to participate in an election. The principal goal of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of whether imposing compulsory voting, and thus obtaining a higher voter turnout, increases the legitimization of representative bodies. The issue of imposing compulsory voting is controversial and does not necessarily have to provide an effective solution to diminishing voter turnout. This is particularly valid for Central and Eastern European states, where imposing an obligation to vote on citizens can be contrary to saving democracy and the legitimization of public authorities. There is a risk that the citizens of countries that found themselves in the orbit of the Soviet Union after WWII may associate compulsory voting with their undemocratic past and as another attack on their rights

    Wolność myśli, sumienia i wyznania w prawie polskim. Próba analizy pojęć – określenia zakresu

    Get PDF
    The issue of religious schools being financed from public resources in Poland needs to be approached primarily from the point of view of the constitutional guaranties of the freedom of conscience and religion. To this end the regulations of the Law of May 17, 1989 on the guarantees of the freedom of conscience and religion need to be analyzed together with the Law on the relations between the Republic of Poland and the Roman Catholic Church that was passed on the same day. It is only then that the following regulations should be considered: the concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Poland signed in Warsaw on July 28, 1993, the Law of June 14, 1991 on financing the Catholic University in Lublin from the state budget, and the Law of June 26, 1997 on financing the Papal Theological Academy in Krakow from the state budget. The latter institution presently operates under the name of the Pontifical University of John Paul II. Finally, an analysis is required of a group of three laws of April 5, 2006 on financing the Papal Theological Faculty in Warsaw, Papal Theological Faculty in Wrocław and Jesuit University of Philosophy and Education “Ignatianum” in Cracow respectively.The issue of religious schools being financed from public resources in Poland needs to be approached primarily from the point of view of the constitutional guaranties of the freedom of conscience and religion. To this end the regulations of the Law of May 17, 1989 on the guarantees of the freedom of conscience and religion need to be analyzed together with the Law on the relations between the Republic of Poland and the Roman Catholic Church that was passed on the same day. It is only then that the following regulations should be considered: the concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Poland signed in Warsaw on July 28, 1993, the Law of June 14, 1991 on financing the Catholic University in Lublin from the state budget, and the Law of June 26, 1997 on financing the Papal Theological Academy in Krakow from the state budget. The latter institution presently operates under the name of the Pontifical University of John Paul II. Finally, an analysis is required of a group of three laws of April 5, 2006 on financing the Papal Theological Faculty in Warsaw, Papal Theological Faculty in Wrocław and Jesuit University of Philosophy and Education “Ignatianum” in Cracow respectively

    Blogi polityków. Kto, dlaczego i o czym pisze?

    Get PDF
    Blogging is a global, widespread and fashionable phenomenon. While some European politicians blog, their American counterparts are in the lead in their pragmatic attitude to the Internet, approached as a means to win voters. Regardless of location, though, blogs spread ideas and present the candidate’s profile, whether by means of written or spoken (podcast) text. The first services facilitating blogs in Polish (e.g. Onet.pl) appeared in 2001–2002. At present blogs are written by representatives of the legislative and executive power, as well as by local authorities. Blogs play the role of political propaganda, featuring a combination of informative and persuasive functions. They are about presenting political issues in terms of conflict and struggle. Another significant function fulfilled by blogs is to raise a given politician’s profile. To a lesser extent, blogs also perform the function of personal space and provide information on the activities of the authorities.Blogging is a global, widespread and fashionable phenomenon. While some European politicians blog, their American counterparts are in the lead in their pragmatic attitude to the Internet, approached as a means to win voters. Regardless of location, though, blogs spread ideas and present the candidate’s profile, whether by means of written or spoken (podcast) text. The first services facilitating blogs in Polish (e.g. Onet.pl) appeared in 2001–2002. At present blogs are written by representatives of the legislative and executive power, as well as by local authorities. Blogs play the role of political propaganda, featuring a combination of informative and persuasive functions. They are about presenting political issues in terms of conflict and struggle. Another significant function fulfilled by blogs is to raise a given politician’s profile. To a lesser extent, blogs also perform the function of personal space and provide information on the activities of the authorities

    Sytuacja społeczno-polityczna osób niepełnosprawnych1 w III RP

    Get PDF
    The paper discusses and illustrates the most significant issues related to the functioning of the disabled in the social and political dimensions. The evolution of social attitudes to people with disabilities over the centuries is shown. The paper discusses the matters of how Poles perceive disability, the solutions in the electoral code and other legal acts and documents, and increasingly frequent social awareness campaigns that are aimed to encourage the disabled to vote in elections, which all have a beneficial impact on the process of activization of the disabled as rightful citizens. The paper is interdisciplinary, encompassing the points of view of a researcher dealing with physiotherapy and that of a researcher into political science, making it unique.The paper discusses and illustrates the most significant issues related to the functioning of the disabled in the social and political dimensions. The evolution of social attitudes to people with disabilities over the centuries is shown. The paper discusses the matters of how Poles perceive disability, the solutions in the electoral code and other legal acts and documents, and increasingly frequent social awareness campaigns that are aimed to encourage the disabled to vote in elections, which all have a beneficial impact on the process of activization of the disabled as rightful citizens. The paper is interdisciplinary, encompassing the points of view of a researcher dealing with physiotherapy and that of a researcher into political science, making it unique

    Zimna wojna i początki demokracji w Turcji

    Get PDF
    Narastająca po drugiej wojnie światowej rywalizacja o hegemonię pomiędzy USA i ZSRR przekształciła się ostatecznie w zimną wojnę, która odcisnęła się na sąsiadującą z ZSRR Turcją. Wraz z przejściem Turcji od systemu jednopartyjnego do wielopartyjnego w państwie powiał wiatr nadziei na falę demokratyzacji, wkrótce okazało się jednak, że celem była realizacja owej demokracji pod określonymi warunkami i przy ograniczeniach narzuconych przez zimną wojnę. W centrum tych ograniczeń leżała wyjątkowo wyostrzona wrażliwość i retoryka antykomunistyczna. Celem tego opracowania, przedstawiającego przykłady z lat 1946–1950, odpowiadających ósmej kadencji Wielkiego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Turcji, jest przedstawienie skutków wrażliwości antykomunistycznej w Zgromadzeniu w okresie przejścia do wielopartyjnego systemu politycznego, zgody na antykomunistyczne reakcje, wprowadzonej przez maccartyzm prawdopodobnie wcześniej w Turcji niż w USA.Narastająca po drugiej wojnie światowej rywalizacja o hegemonię pomiędzy USA i ZSRR przekształciła się ostatecznie w zimną wojnę, która odcisnęła się na sąsiadującą z ZSRR Turcją. Wraz z przejściem Turcji od systemu jednopartyjnego do wielopartyjnego w państwie powiał wiatr nadziei na falę demokratyzacji, wkrótce okazało się jednak, że celem była realizacja owej demokracji pod określonymi warunkami i przy ograniczeniach narzuconych przez zimną wojnę. W centrum tych ograniczeń leżała wyjątkowo wyostrzona wrażliwość i retoryka antykomunistyczna. Celem tego opracowania, przedstawiającego przykłady z lat 1946–1950, odpowiadających ósmej kadencji Wielkiego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Turcji, jest przedstawienie skutków wrażliwości antykomunistycznej w Zgromadzeniu w okresie przejścia do wielopartyjnego systemu politycznego, zgody na antykomunistyczne reakcje, wprowadzonej przez maccartyzm prawdopodobnie wcześniej w Turcji niż w USA

    Szkoła demokracji – młodzież w świecie społeczno-politycznym. Wykluczenie, czy zaniedbanie?

    No full text
    The paper attempts to show the role of young people in society and politics. It tries to approach young adults on one hand as subjects of politics with their consciousness, rights and obligations, and on the other as the objects of a wide range of social engineering, media and educational activities by politicians. Two significant phenomena concerning the young are briefly discussed, namely social capital and exclusion from political life. The latter can be interpreted either as an attempt to escape a reality that the young do not understand, or as their conscious choice and a substitute for freedom. The process of education is significantly contributed to (apart from the institutions dedicated to this purpose, such as school and family) by the media, in particular the modern media, or post-modern ones that provide a communication channel among the young, but also attract the politicians, who try to attract the attention of the young and win their support. The author concludes by saying that the social capital generated by educational institutions as well as by the ‘networks of mutual contacts’ among the young can offer the best possible protection from the processes of alienation and exclusion that constitute a threat to democracy.The paper attempts to show the role of young people in society and politics. It tries to approach young adults on one hand as subjects of politics with their consciousness, rights and obligations, and on the other as the objects of a wide range of social engineering, media and educational activities by politicians. Two significant phenomena concerning the young are briefly discussed, namely social capital and exclusion from political life. The latter can be interpreted either as an attempt to escape a reality that the young do not understand, or as their conscious choice and a substitute for freedom. The process of education is significantly contributed to (apart from the institutions dedicated to this purpose, such as school and family) by the media, in particular the modern media, or post-modern ones that provide a communication channel among the young, but also attract the politicians, who try to attract the attention of the young and win their support. The author concludes by saying that the social capital generated by educational institutions as well as by the ‘networks of mutual contacts’ among the young can offer the best possible protection from the processes of alienation and exclusion that constitute a threat to democracy

    724

    full texts

    932

    metadata records
    Updated in last 30 days.
    Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
    Access Repository Dashboard
    Do you manage Open Research Online? Become a CORE Member to access insider analytics, issue reports and manage access to outputs from your repository in the CORE Repository Dashboard! 👇