Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Sprawozdanie z międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej „Formy i sposoby legitymizacji władzy w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej” (Collegium Polonicum, 10-11 maja 2012 r.)
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Cel uświęca środki? O współczesnym wymiarze politycznego makiawelizmu na przykładzie wyborów samorządowych w 2010 roku w województwie opolskim
No full textThe paper is an attempt to analyze the marketing activities of selected candidates running for office in the local authorities of the Opolskie Region in 2010. A large proportion of these candidates implemented the Machiavellian principle that the end justifies the means, and they tried to win power, almost trampling over corpses, using all available methods to succeed. Niccolò Machiavelli, the author of The Prince, argued five centuries earlier that the good of state justifies ruses, cruelty and violence. The present face of political Machiavellianism is different, as many people value power itself rather than the good of the state or region. As a result, voters observe a political farce under the official name of an election campaign. The local government campaign in the Opolskie Region in 2010 reminded a political circus with a number of pseudo-events keenly reported by the media, instead of real content that could give potential voters an idea of what the candidates had to offer. Some tried to win voters feeding them with sweets, others cleared snow from pavements in the middle of winter, yet others paid those who promised to vote for them. The latter are probably still suffering from post-election hiccups, as they will have to explain this electoral corruption in court.The paper is an attempt to analyze the marketing activities of selected candidates running for office in the local authorities of the Opolskie Region in 2010. A large proportion of these candidates implemented the Machiavellian principle that the end justifies the means, and they tried to win power, almost trampling over corpses, using all available methods to succeed. Niccolò Machiavelli, the author of The Prince, argued five centuries earlier that the good of state justifies ruses, cruelty and violence. The present face of political Machiavellianism is different, as many people value power itself rather than the good of the state or region. As a result, voters observe a political farce under the official name of an election campaign. The local government campaign in the Opolskie Region in 2010 reminded a political circus with a number of pseudo-events keenly reported by the media, instead of real content that could give potential voters an idea of what the candidates had to offer. Some tried to win voters feeding them with sweets, others cleared snow from pavements in the middle of winter, yet others paid those who promised to vote for them. The latter are probably still suffering from post-election hiccups, as they will have to explain this electoral corruption in court
Kampania permanentna versus kampania, której nie było. Rzecz o wyborze prezydenta miasta Kielce
Get PDFThe purpose of the paper is to try to answer the question of the efficiency of permanent campaigns. In the context of elections to local governments, the behavior of the electorate seems to be influenced by factors that are somewhat different than in the case of presidential or parliamentary elections. Particular assets are the directly verifiable achievements of the candidates. Town mayors running for office for a second term are somewhat privileged, provided that during their office they managed to avoid making grave mistakes or behaving with negligence. The analysis concerns the elections for the office of mayor of Kielce in 2010, which were chosen due to the specific activity of the main candidate, that is the then mayor of Kielce, Wojciech Lubawski. The candidate’s limited election activity justifies the hypothesis that he did not run a permanent campaign and raises the question of how the strategy he adopted influenced the election results in Kielce.The purpose of the paper is to try to answer the question of the efficiency of permanent campaigns. In the context of elections to local governments, the behavior of the electorate seems to be influenced by factors that are somewhat different than in the case of presidential or parliamentary elections. Particular assets are the directly verifiable achievements of the candidates. Town mayors running for office for a second term are somewhat privileged, provided that during their office they managed to avoid making grave mistakes or behaving with negligence. The analysis concerns the elections for the office of mayor of Kielce in 2010, which were chosen due to the specific activity of the main candidate, that is the then mayor of Kielce, Wojciech Lubawski. The candidate’s limited election activity justifies the hypothesis that he did not run a permanent campaign and raises the question of how the strategy he adopted influenced the election results in Kielce
Dostęp do informacji publicznej a ochrona prywatności osób, które przestały pełnić funkcję publiczną
No full textThe practice of granting access to public information raises considerable controversies over the status of the individuals who cease to hold public office but where the period of their activity continues to be of interest to the public. This paper discusses the issue of the conflict of two values protected by the law. On one hand we are dealing with granting access to public information, on the other with the protection of privacy.The practice of granting access to public information raises considerable controversies over the status of the individuals who cease to hold public office but where the period of their activity continues to be of interest to the public. This paper discusses the issue of the conflict of two values protected by the law. On one hand we are dealing with granting access to public information, on the other with the protection of privacy
Źródła nacjonalizmu czerkieskiego i jego konsekwencje polityczne
No full textThe problem of the increasing threat to Russian security in the area of the Northern Caucasus is described as originating in the ethnic groups from the mountainous region located between the Caspian, Black and Azov Seas. The hundreds of ethnic and sub-ethnic groups living there have their own identities and are aware of their individuality. This makes the Northern Caucasus the most unstable of all regions in the Russian Federation. One of the more serious threats to the national security and territorial integrity of the Russian state is posed by separatist movements in the Northern Caucasus. Caucasian enthnoses and elites have various levels of national consciousness, political ambitions and loyalties towards Moscow. The ethnic situation in north-west Caucasus is becoming increasingly tense, and the organizations of Circassian autonomists and separatists are winning more and more support. A lot seems to suggest that as the date of the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi draws nearer the protests of the Adigeian population are likely to escalate, both in the Russian Federation and abroad. The ‘Circassian issue’ is a significant ethno-political challenge faced by the authorities of the Russian Federation.The problem of the increasing threat to Russian security in the area of the Northern Caucasus is described as originating in the ethnic groups from the mountainous region located between the Caspian, Black and Azov Seas. The hundreds of ethnic and sub-ethnic groups living there have their own identities and are aware of their individuality. This makes the Northern Caucasus the most unstable of all regions in the Russian Federation. One of the more serious threats to the national security and territorial integrity of the Russian state is posed by separatist movements in the Northern Caucasus. Caucasian enthnoses and elites have various levels of national consciousness, political ambitions and loyalties towards Moscow. The ethnic situation in north-west Caucasus is becoming increasingly tense, and the organizations of Circassian autonomists and separatists are winning more and more support. A lot seems to suggest that as the date of the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi draws nearer the protests of the Adigeian population are likely to escalate, both in the Russian Federation and abroad. The ‘Circassian issue’ is a significant ethno-political challenge faced by the authorities of the Russian Federation
Legitymacja czy legitymizacja władzy. Doświadczenia państw Europy Środkowej
Get PDFThe paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the “neofunctional elitist paradigm” (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a “consolidated democracy”, which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley’s opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, “consensual elites” emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, ‘traditionally’ assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a “consolidated democracy”.The paper discusses the issue of the legitimacy of power as one of the key factors to ensure the stability of government and the entire socio-political system of state. The starting point for the analysis is provided by the “neofunctional elitist paradigm” (as named by its creator) that has been developed for over thirty years by John Higley and his collaborators. According to this paradigm, an opportunity for efficient communication between the government elite and the most important opposition elite is one of the methods for creating a “consolidated democracy”, which, in the opinion of the authors of the paradigm, is the most desirable model of modern system of representative democracy. Further on in the paper, the history of the main issues related to the legitimacy and legitimization of power are presented using selected examples, primarily with reference to the main theoretical concepts of power and its legitimacy. The main part of the analysis concerns Poland and selected countries in this region, and the issue of whether it is justified to classify them as consolidated democracies. The author reminds of J. Higley’s opinion that Poland and Hungary witnessed negotiations between the representatives of the former, socialist elite and members of the opposition at the beginning of the process of political transformation. Owing to that, “consensual elites” emerged in both countries. The author also notes that the process of transformation in this part of Europe (and in particular in Poland) is, in a way, ‘traditionally’ assessed much more positively by political scientists and sociologists from the West than by the academics (let alone journalists and politicians) in Poland. This favorable assessment is exemplified by their including Poland in a group of a few countries with a “consolidated democracy”
Infotainment jako narzędzie formatowania społeczeństwa w warunkach medialnej demokracji
Get PDFAs the mass media spread a defined format of ‘cultural repertoires’, they operate both in the cognitive and affective realms – they present problems and issues to society (societies), they form public opinion and stimulate actors to undertake actions. These result in both actual and symbolic unification of individuals and groups on various levels of the organization of community life. Even after a superficial observation of present activities it can be assumed that the process of marketization of social life, which includes the realm of culture and human relations, has been subjected to the influence of a populist rhetoric, which is rooted in the therapeutic function mass culture performs, formatting and unifying citizens’ behavior. The reasons for this can be sought in the tendency, which is typical both of economic and political marketing, to make promises and refer to unconditioned human desires. Overfamiliarity and excessive expression can play the same role in persuading viewers to accept the ‘only right opinion’, as can the propaganda of a given political platform under authoritarian conditions. In these terms the normative approach to the realm of politics and the politicization of social life reveal their anachronistic nature in defining real decision processes.As the mass media spread a defined format of ‘cultural repertoires’, they operate both in the cognitive and affective realms – they present problems and issues to society (societies), they form public opinion and stimulate actors to undertake actions. These result in both actual and symbolic unification of individuals and groups on various levels of the organization of community life. Even after a superficial observation of present activities it can be assumed that the process of marketization of social life, which includes the realm of culture and human relations, has been subjected to the influence of a populist rhetoric, which is rooted in the therapeutic function mass culture performs, formatting and unifying citizens’ behavior. The reasons for this can be sought in the tendency, which is typical both of economic and political marketing, to make promises and refer to unconditioned human desires. Overfamiliarity and excessive expression can play the same role in persuading viewers to accept the ‘only right opinion’, as can the propaganda of a given political platform under authoritarian conditions. In these terms the normative approach to the realm of politics and the politicization of social life reveal their anachronistic nature in defining real decision processes
Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań
Get PDFThe paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections.The paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections
Kampania wyborcza na fotelu prezydenckim – skuteczne metody zarządzania informacją w mieście
Get PDFThe paper discusses the role new media play in the information policy of a politician running for office based on the example of the campaign run by the candidate for the office of president of Radomsko, Anna Milczanowska. As the Internet is becoming increasingly influential and the interest in social platforms increases, the assumptions of PR activities have changed. The paper emphasizes that at present the senders of a message do not require traditional media to reach the recipient. It demonstrates that the proverbial ‘single click’ of a mouse is sufficient to notify thousands about the sender’s activities. This thoroughly changes the position of PR officers, as one-way communication has been replaced by a two-way dialogue once and for all. Local authorities have obtained a new tool which on the one hand facilitates genuine contact, but on the other, subjects them to a greater degree of social assessment.The paper discusses the role new media play in the information policy of a politician running for office based on the example of the campaign run by the candidate for the office of president of Radomsko, Anna Milczanowska. As the Internet is becoming increasingly influential and the interest in social platforms increases, the assumptions of PR activities have changed. The paper emphasizes that at present the senders of a message do not require traditional media to reach the recipient. It demonstrates that the proverbial ‘single click’ of a mouse is sufficient to notify thousands about the sender’s activities. This thoroughly changes the position of PR officers, as one-way communication has been replaced by a two-way dialogue once and for all. Local authorities have obtained a new tool which on the one hand facilitates genuine contact, but on the other, subjects them to a greater degree of social assessment
Węgry w latach 1990–2011. Polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne przyczyny kryzysu
No full textThe paper attempts to answer the question of why Hungary, a country that many Western politicians praised as an exemplary model of transformation until recently, has become a European outsider, a country whose economic situation is barely better than that of Greece going bankrupt. Both political and socio-economic reasons for the crisis are indicated. The former concern the long years of living beyond their means and the cowardice of the politicians, afraid to tell their fellow citizens that sacrifices are necessary. The economic sources of the crisis concern the procrastination and non-completion of reforms that could have made Hungary a more competitive economy. The third group of factors that contributed to the crisis was related to the condition of Hungarian society, a society that in the mid-nineteen-nineties entered another period described as bús Magyarország, a Hungarian version of Russian smuta (trouble). A period of an upset system of values, sadness, helplessness, a sense of defeat and humiliation have led to mental and moral collapse. All this may result in Hungary’s recovery from the crisis being a very difficult and prolonged process.The paper attempts to answer the question of why Hungary, a country that many Western politicians praised as an exemplary model of transformation until recently, has become a European outsider, a country whose economic situation is barely better than that of Greece going bankrupt. Both political and socio-economic reasons for the crisis are indicated. The former concern the long years of living beyond their means and the cowardice of the politicians, afraid to tell their fellow citizens that sacrifices are necessary. The economic sources of the crisis concern the procrastination and non-completion of reforms that could have made Hungary a more competitive economy. The third group of factors that contributed to the crisis was related to the condition of Hungarian society, a society that in the mid-nineteen-nineties entered another period described as bús Magyarország, a Hungarian version of Russian smuta (trouble). A period of an upset system of values, sadness, helplessness, a sense of defeat and humiliation have led to mental and moral collapse. All this may result in Hungary’s recovery from the crisis being a very difficult and prolonged process