Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Państwowa polityka wobec integracji europejskiej: analiza teoretyczna
Get PDFPojęcie „państwowa polityka wobec integracji europejskiej” obejmuje dwie części składowe, a mianowicie pojęcie „polityka państwowa” (lub „polityka publiczna”) oraz „integracja europejska”. W oparciu o analizę obu tych pojęć w artykule zaproponowano interpretację koncepcji „państwowej polityki wobec integracji europejskiej”, będącej strategicznym działaniem zmierzającym w kierunku obejmującej różne sfery integracji europejskiej w ramach procesu unifikacji Europy, formułowanym, realizowanym i ocenianym przez władze państwowe i opinię publiczną.Pojęcie „państwowa polityka wobec integracji europejskiej” obejmuje dwie części składowe, a mianowicie pojęcie „polityka państwowa” (lub „polityka publiczna”) oraz „integracja europejska”. W oparciu o analizę obu tych pojęć w artykule zaproponowano interpretację koncepcji „państwowej polityki wobec integracji europejskiej”, będącej strategicznym działaniem zmierzającym w kierunku obejmującej różne sfery integracji europejskiej w ramach procesu unifikacji Europy, formułowanym, realizowanym i ocenianym przez władze państwowe i opinię publiczną
Problem rejestracji kościołów i związków wyznaniowych w polskim systemie prawnym
Get PDFOnce Poland regained independence after WWI, it retained the validity of legal provisions from the period of the partitions, which resulted in incongruous administrative systems. The principle of citizens’ obligatory membership of any of the recognized religious associations was also tacitly acknowledged. The law of interwar Poland distinguished between recognized religious associations, enjoying the status of legal entities acknowledged by the State, whose relations to the State, as well as organizational status, were stipulated by law, and unrecognized religious associations, enjoying the right to freely practice faith and rituals. At that time there was also an attempt to regulate legal relations between the State and the Evangelical Union Churches, the Evangelical Augsburg and Helvetian Church with superindenture in Stanisławów, the Vilnius Evangelical Reformed Church (Vilnius Unity), and the Evangelical Reformed Church with the Consistory in Warsaw. However, for numerous reasons, no normative acts were passed. The fact that in the interwar period there were no laws to constitutionally regulate the legal relations of churches and religious associations recognized by the former partitioning states, hindered the process of unifying of religious law in the Second Republic of Poland. This was further influenced by administrative practices and the antagonistic attitude of the Catholic Church to religious minorities. For their own purposes, administrative authorities divided the existing churches and religious associations, distinguishing religious associations recognized by law, unrecognized religious associations operating by virtue of the laws of former partitioning states, and religious associations not recognized by law, but tolerated by virtue of Articles 111 and 112 of the March Constitution. After WWII ended, three churches were recognized by virtue of an administrative decision, and state authorities decided to change the procedure for legal regulation of newly emerging churches and religious associations in a way different from that provided by the legislature of the Second Republic. The aim of these changes was to simplify the procedures related to the establishment of new churches and religious associations. The Decree on Associations attempted to encompass churches and religious associations. The matter was later resolved by the Decree of 5 August 1949 on the protection of free conscience and religion. Later on matters were handled by the Office for Religious Denominations. Since 1989 the register of churches and religious associations has been conducted by the Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration.Once Poland regained independence after WWI, it retained the validity of legal provisions from the period of the partitions, which resulted in incongruous administrative systems. The principle of citizens’ obligatory membership of any of the recognized religious associations was also tacitly acknowledged. The law of interwar Poland distinguished between recognized religious associations, enjoying the status of legal entities acknowledged by the State, whose relations to the State, as well as organizational status, were stipulated by law, and unrecognized religious associations, enjoying the right to freely practice faith and rituals. At that time there was also an attempt to regulate legal relations between the State and the Evangelical Union Churches, the Evangelical Augsburg and Helvetian Church with superindenture in Stanisławów, the Vilnius Evangelical Reformed Church (Vilnius Unity), and the Evangelical Reformed Church with the Consistory in Warsaw. However, for numerous reasons, no normative acts were passed. The fact that in the interwar period there were no laws to constitutionally regulate the legal relations of churches and religious associations recognized by the former partitioning states, hindered the process of unifying of religious law in the Second Republic of Poland. This was further influenced by administrative practices and the antagonistic attitude of the Catholic Church to religious minorities. For their own purposes, administrative authorities divided the existing churches and religious associations, distinguishing religious associations recognized by law, unrecognized religious associations operating by virtue of the laws of former partitioning states, and religious associations not recognized by law, but tolerated by virtue of Articles 111 and 112 of the March Constitution. After WWII ended, three churches were recognized by virtue of an administrative decision, and state authorities decided to change the procedure for legal regulation of newly emerging churches and religious associations in a way different from that provided by the legislature of the Second Republic. The aim of these changes was to simplify the procedures related to the establishment of new churches and religious associations. The Decree on Associations attempted to encompass churches and religious associations. The matter was later resolved by the Decree of 5 August 1949 on the protection of free conscience and religion. Later on matters were handled by the Office for Religious Denominations. Since 1989 the register of churches and religious associations has been conducted by the Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration
Liczebność diaspory polskiej w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim Federacji Rosyjskiej. Zarys problematyki
Get PDFThe issues related to Polish minority in the countries of the former Soviet Union have been intensively studied, especially since the early 1990s. It is however impossible to determine a precise number of the members of Polish minority residing in the Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation. This results from the imprecise and incomplete data presented by the local administration. The most optimistic statistics estimate Polish minority at approximately 20,000 people. On the other hand, when one refers to the ‘strict’ but certainly underestimated official data a number of nearly 5,000 is mentioned. Additionally, the issue of national affiliation is frequently related to the subjective perception of ethnic identity by the residents of the territory in question. Therefore, even though some Polish ties do exist, they do not necessarily translate directly into a mature Polish national identity, let alone the intention to admit such identity.The issues related to Polish minority in the countries of the former Soviet Union have been intensively studied, especially since the early 1990s. It is however impossible to determine a precise number of the members of Polish minority residing in the Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation. This results from the imprecise and incomplete data presented by the local administration. The most optimistic statistics estimate Polish minority at approximately 20,000 people. On the other hand, when one refers to the ‘strict’ but certainly underestimated official data a number of nearly 5,000 is mentioned. Additionally, the issue of national affiliation is frequently related to the subjective perception of ethnic identity by the residents of the territory in question. Therefore, even though some Polish ties do exist, they do not necessarily translate directly into a mature Polish national identity, let alone the intention to admit such identity
Demokracja bezpośrednia a wprowadzenie praw wyborczych dla kobiet – przykład Szwajcarii
Get PDFOver the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women’s suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women’s suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women
Delegitymizacja III Rzeczypospolitej, budowanie partyjnej tożsamości i dyskursywne struktury możliwości
Get PDFThe objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People’s Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections. The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors responsible for the delegitimization process of the Third Polish Republic, in particular in the period from 2001 to 2005, when power was in the hands of the coalition of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People’s Party (PSL). The analysis applies the concept of discursive structures of possibilities which identifies which properties of the political context made the delegitimization efforts of the right wing credible. The opposite mechanisms applied, and delegitimization messages sent by the SLD are the object of interest here as well, as are the results of these activities, that is the ideas which Civic Platform (PO) used to build and legitimize their own identity before the 2005 parliamentary elections.
Polityczne show jako nowoczesny przykład komunikowania politycznego. Narodziny telewizyjnych debat wyborczych w Wielkiej Brytanii
Get PDFThree debates involving the leaders of the main political parties in the UK attracted first-time voters in the 2010 elections. The analysis of the Reuters Institute, based on YouGov’s questionnaires, confirmed that the 18–24 age group had shown particular interest in the debates. After the elections, 55% of the young electorate declared that the leaders’ debates had helped them to make up their minds, whereas 92% admitted having exchanged opinions in their circles after the debates. Television debates have thus been shown to have a considerable influence on voters and in particular on first time voters. The very fact that the debates enjoyed such enormous audience interest demonstrates the influence they have on the development of public discourse; political debates have been written about and discussed extensively. They have also undoubtedly become an unforgettable TV spectacle.Three debates involving the leaders of the main political parties in the UK attracted first-time voters in the 2010 elections. The analysis of the Reuters Institute, based on YouGov’s questionnaires, confirmed that the 18–24 age group had shown particular interest in the debates. After the elections, 55% of the young electorate declared that the leaders’ debates had helped them to make up their minds, whereas 92% admitted having exchanged opinions in their circles after the debates. Television debates have thus been shown to have a considerable influence on voters and in particular on first time voters. The very fact that the debates enjoyed such enormous audience interest demonstrates the influence they have on the development of public discourse; political debates have been written about and discussed extensively. They have also undoubtedly become an unforgettable TV spectacle
Средства массовой информации и формирование европейского мышления
No full textThe paper discusses the issues of Ukraine’s integration with the European Union and the situation of the country walking this long road. The authors present the advantages and disadvantages of Ukraine’s integration policy, paying particular attention to the role of the mass media in the implementation process of the strategic Euro-integration goals.W publikacji omówione zostały problemy integracji Ukrainy z Unią Europejską, a także sytuacja kraju znajdującego się na tej długiej drodze. Autorzy zaprezentowali plusy i minusy polityki integracyjnej Ukrainy, w szczególności skoncentrowali uwagę na roli środków masowej informacji w procesie realizacji strategicznych celów eurointegracji.The paper discusses the issues of Ukraine’s integration with the European Union and the situation of the country walking this long road. The authors present the advantages and disadvantages of Ukraine’s integration policy, paying particular attention to the role of the mass media in the implementation process of the strategic Euro-integration goals
Мировой финансово-экономический кризис как детерминанта внешнеполитической стратегии КНР
No full textThe paper discusses the current financial and economic crisis as one of the determining factors of the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. The author contemplates what influence the crisis may exert on the global balance of power. As regards the future global position and role of China, he refers to the opinions and prognoses of researchers and experts in international relations such as R. D. Kaplan, Z. Brzezinski, G. Friedman, H. Kissinger, J. Nye Jr. and others, showing the issue in a broader, geopolitical context.W artykule omówiono współczesny kryzys finansowo-ekonomiczny, ukazując go jako jeden z czynników determinujących politykę zagraniczną Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Autor zastanawia się jak ów kryzys wpłynie na układ sił w świecie, a przywołane opinie oraz prognozy odnośnie przyszłej pozycji i roli Chin w świecie takich badaczy i znawców stosunków międzynarodowych jak m.in. R. D. Kaplan, Z. Brzeziński, G. Friedman, H. Kissinger, J. Nye Jr. etc., ukazują omawiany problem w szerszym, geopolitycznym kontekście.The paper discusses the current financial and economic crisis as one of the determining factors of the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. The author contemplates what influence the crisis may exert on the global balance of power. As regards the future global position and role of China, he refers to the opinions and prognoses of researchers and experts in international relations such as R. D. Kaplan, Z. Brzezinski, G. Friedman, H. Kissinger, J. Nye Jr. and others, showing the issue in a broader, geopolitical context
„Nicea albo śmierć”, czyli polski dyskurs polityczny na temat Traktatu ustanawiającego Konstytucję dla Europy i jego wpływ na stosunki polsko-niemieckie
Get PDFThis paper analyzes the discussions and statements of Polish politicians concerning the system of decision-making in the Council of the European Union in the period after the European Convention concluded its work and the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe was signed. Particular attention is paid to the influence this discourse and the attitudes of political leaders exerted on Polish-German relations.This paper analyzes the discussions and statements of Polish politicians concerning the system of decision-making in the Council of the European Union in the period after the European Convention concluded its work and the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe was signed. Particular attention is paid to the influence this discourse and the attitudes of political leaders exerted on Polish-German relations
Научные исследования теории и практики государственной семейной политики в Украине
No full textThe functioning of the family in the context of the transformation of modern social relations calls for academic research, and a methodological and theoretical study of the strategy of State in this area, and attempts at forecasting its results. State family policy is an important research subject for Ukrainian scientists dealing with a broad range of issues related to the social development of the institution of the family. In this paper the author analyzes current studies and publications concerning, among other things, the social development of the institution of the family in Ukraine, the character and content of State family policy, the development of a family policy for the young, home education, domestic problems of orphans and children deprived of parental care, experience in the field of state family policy in other countries, and so on.Funkcjonowanie rodziny w warunkach transformacji współczesnych stosunków społecznych wymaga badań naukowych, metodologiczno-teoretycznego przestudiowania strategii państwowej w tej sferze oraz przewidzenia jej skutków. Polityka rodzinna państwa stanowi ważny element w badaniach ukraińskich naukowców, którzy zajmują się szeroką gamą problemów związanych ze społecznym rozwojem instytucji rodziny. W niniejszym artykule Autorka analizuje aktualne badania i publikacje dotyczące m.in.: rozwoju społecznego instytucji rodziny na Ukrainie; charakteru i treści polityki rodzinnej państwa; tworzenia polityki rodzinnej dla młodzieży; edukacji domowej; problemów bytowych sierot i dzieci pozbawionych opieki rodzicielskiej; doświadczeń w zakresie polityki rodzinnej innych państw etc.The functioning of the family in the context of the transformation of modern social relations calls for academic research, and a methodological and theoretical study of the strategy of State in this area, and attempts at forecasting its results. State family policy is an important research subject for Ukrainian scientists dealing with a broad range of issues related to the social development of the institution of the family. In this paper the author analyzes current studies and publications concerning, among other things, the social development of the institution of the family in Ukraine, the character and content of State family policy, the development of a family policy for the young, home education, domestic problems of orphans and children deprived of parental care, experience in the field of state family policy in other countries, and so on