Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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    Porządek konstytucyjny a etnokratyzm elit politycznych w Karaczajo-Czerkiesji

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    One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific ‘constitutional pact.’ However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a ‘loop transformation’ syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia.One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific ‘constitutional pact.’ However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a ‘loop transformation’ syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia

    Dziennikarze i politycy. Blisko, coraz bliżej

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    The relations between the media and political systems are of particular importance for Polish democracy, which is a mere twenty years old. The modern media landscape involves elements of the breaking of journalistic standards, the politicization and subordination of the public media to a particular party, commercial media support for political parties, local government institutions publishing their own press releases, and journalists on election lists. Aware of the influence the media may have on the social perception of politics, political actors treat the media instrumentally, knowing that they can be used to make voters aware of their existence. It is particularly dangerous for the media to support defined political forces because the price of such support remains unknown. The issue of the public media needs to be urgently resolved. If the legislator acknowledges the need for them to operate, they need to be ensured appropriate financing and independence. If such a need is not perceived, Polish Television and Polish Radio should be privatized. Voters and recipients of the media need to realize that objective journalism may be an ideal, but this does not release media workers from the requirement of maintaining their professional integrity. Separating information from commentary and presenting the arguments of all sides in political disputes are a standard to be required of all mass media.The relations between the media and political systems are of particular importance for Polish democracy, which is a mere twenty years old. The modern media landscape involves elements of the breaking of journalistic standards, the politicization and subordination of the public media to a particular party, commercial media support for political parties, local government institutions publishing their own press releases, and journalists on election lists. Aware of the influence the media may have on the social perception of politics, political actors treat the media instrumentally, knowing that they can be used to make voters aware of their existence. It is particularly dangerous for the media to support defined political forces because the price of such support remains unknown. The issue of the public media needs to be urgently resolved. If the legislator acknowledges the need for them to operate, they need to be ensured appropriate financing and independence. If such a need is not perceived, Polish Television and Polish Radio should be privatized. Voters and recipients of the media need to realize that objective journalism may be an ideal, but this does not release media workers from the requirement of maintaining their professional integrity. Separating information from commentary and presenting the arguments of all sides in political disputes are a standard to be required of all mass media

    Zachowania polityczne a zachowania wyborcze w dobie kampanii permanentnej

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    This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters’ electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate’s behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act.This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters’ electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate’s behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act

    Biopolityka wobec wyzwań postępu technologicznego w medycynie

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    The issues associated with biopolitics are the cause of great controversies, making the concept almost ‘taboo’ these days. Current progress in medical technology has brought immense benefits to the whole of humanity, but it can also cause threats. The subject of this paper is to draw readers’ attention to the issues and threats related to the progress of medical technology. Biopolitics has produced various, frequently perilous, outcomes, therefore it is emphasized that biopolitical phenomena should always have a legal and moral dimension. In many cases, the realm of human biology and nature is impacted to an inconceivable degree, thus biopolitics is challenged by having to answer many significant questions, requiring the development of a cohesive state policy in this field and the provision of a legal framework for such activities.The issues associated with biopolitics are the cause of great controversies, making the concept almost ‘taboo’ these days. Current progress in medical technology has brought immense benefits to the whole of humanity, but it can also cause threats. The subject of this paper is to draw readers’ attention to the issues and threats related to the progress of medical technology. Biopolitics has produced various, frequently perilous, outcomes, therefore it is emphasized that biopolitical phenomena should always have a legal and moral dimension. In many cases, the realm of human biology and nature is impacted to an inconceivable degree, thus biopolitics is challenged by having to answer many significant questions, requiring the development of a cohesive state policy in this field and the provision of a legal framework for such activities

    Dwie dekady przeobrażeń mediów lokalnych południowo-zachodniej Wielkopolski

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    The Republic of Poland is assumed to have been born in 1989, which also marks the beginning of the transformations in the Polish media market. After twenty years some conclusions on the directions of the development of the media can be reached. The field of research discussed in this paper involves the media of south-and-east Wielkopolska and adjacent districts, connected with Wielkopolska in historical, cultural and economic terms. The results of this research attempt to present a systemic description of the local media, including their emergence, development and evolution. The discussion encompasses the legal, political, organizational, technical, and economic conditions for issuing and propagating the media. Given the diversified typology of the media in the region under analysis, the specificity of local mass media is confirmed.The Republic of Poland is assumed to have been born in 1989, which also marks the beginning of the transformations in the Polish media market. After twenty years some conclusions on the directions of the development of the media can be reached. The field of research discussed in this paper involves the media of south-and-east Wielkopolska and adjacent districts, connected with Wielkopolska in historical, cultural and economic terms. The results of this research attempt to present a systemic description of the local media, including their emergence, development and evolution. The discussion encompasses the legal, political, organizational, technical, and economic conditions for issuing and propagating the media. Given the diversified typology of the media in the region under analysis, the specificity of local mass media is confirmed

    Język ideologii a język agresji w wypowiedziach politycznych

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    The writer works on the assumption that each linguistic statement interprets reality. Evaluation is a particular form of interpretation. Some statements assign value from the point of view of an adopted ideology. The writer applies A. Heywood’s understanding of ideology and various ideologies. The language of ideology is sometimes accompanied in public discourse by the language of aggression, which expresses negative emotions and, unlike the language of criticism, discredits an individual. On the basis of public statements quoted by the writer, she tries to demonstrate that the language of ideology does not necessarily have to be that of aggression, and that aggression does not have to be inspired by ideological differences between the speaker and the person subjected to aggression.The writer works on the assumption that each linguistic statement interprets reality. Evaluation is a particular form of interpretation. Some statements assign value from the point of view of an adopted ideology. The writer applies A. Heywood’s understanding of ideology and various ideologies. The language of ideology is sometimes accompanied in public discourse by the language of aggression, which expresses negative emotions and, unlike the language of criticism, discredits an individual. On the basis of public statements quoted by the writer, she tries to demonstrate that the language of ideology does not necessarily have to be that of aggression, and that aggression does not have to be inspired by ideological differences between the speaker and the person subjected to aggression

    Własność intelektualna w kontekście funkcjonowania uczelni wyższej w Polsce (część 1)

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    Polish higher education institutions are facing the task of managing issues of intellectual property protection. This task is imposed on them by law in Article 86 c of the Law of March 18, 2011 on the amendment to the Law on higher education, the Act on academic degrees and titles and degrees and degrees and titles in art and some other acts. The topicality of this issue has encouraged the author of the paper to discuss copyright, plagiarism and to indicate certain manners of using academic works.Polish higher education institutions are facing the task of managing issues of intellectual property protection. This task is imposed on them by law in Article 86 c of the Law of March 18, 2011 on the amendment to the Law on higher education, the Act on academic degrees and titles and degrees and degrees and titles in art and some other acts. The topicality of this issue has encouraged the author of the paper to discuss copyright, plagiarism and to indicate certain manners of using academic works

    Prezydenckie prawybory w Platformie Obywatelskiej jako przykład politycznego show

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    The presidential primaries in Civic Platform in 2010 were an unprecedented event in Polish politics. They were carefully planned and skillfully carried out. The clash between Sikorski and Komorowski was attractive to the mass media, due to the increasing personalization of politics. The primaries were also attractive because this undertaking was unusual. It should also be stressed that the party that organized them demonstrated that, as a result of the professionalization of communication, it was able to reach voters over the heads of the media, at least to some extent. This is exemplified by the debate between Komorowski and Sikorski, where the media were instrumentally used as a ‘conveyor belt’ to transmit content that was entirely ‘produced’ by the party.The presidential primaries in Civic Platform in 2010 were an unprecedented event in Polish politics. They were carefully planned and skillfully carried out. The clash between Sikorski and Komorowski was attractive to the mass media, due to the increasing personalization of politics. The primaries were also attractive because this undertaking was unusual. It should also be stressed that the party that organized them demonstrated that, as a result of the professionalization of communication, it was able to reach voters over the heads of the media, at least to some extent. This is exemplified by the debate between Komorowski and Sikorski, where the media were instrumentally used as a ‘conveyor belt’ to transmit content that was entirely ‘produced’ by the party

    Ochrona uchodźców w ustawodawstwie państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej z Europy środkowej i wschodniej

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    The paper aims to analyze the asylum policies of new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe. After The Hague Program Strengthening Freedom, Security and Justice in the European Union was announced in 2004 the refugee policies of various countries were to be harmonized and a Joint European Asylum System was to be established on the basis of legal and institutional foundations. The initiatives focused on the adoption of common solutions concerning asylum procedures, the conditions for admitting individuals applying to be considered refugees in the EU, temporary and subsidiary protection, and the criteria for granting asylum. As negotiations with candidate countries commenced, they needed to adapt their national laws to the requirements of European legislature. Candidate countries initiated changes in their national legal systems. However, some solutions they have introduced defy the international obligations following from the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Particular controversies concern the concept of safe states, where refugees are deprived of the possibility of applying for the protection of the EU, as well as the concept of subsidiary and temporary protection allowing for individual applications for asylum not to be considered.The paper aims to analyze the asylum policies of new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe. After The Hague Program Strengthening Freedom, Security and Justice in the European Union was announced in 2004 the refugee policies of various countries were to be harmonized and a Joint European Asylum System was to be established on the basis of legal and institutional foundations. The initiatives focused on the adoption of common solutions concerning asylum procedures, the conditions for admitting individuals applying to be considered refugees in the EU, temporary and subsidiary protection, and the criteria for granting asylum. As negotiations with candidate countries commenced, they needed to adapt their national laws to the requirements of European legislature. Candidate countries initiated changes in their national legal systems. However, some solutions they have introduced defy the international obligations following from the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Particular controversies concern the concept of safe states, where refugees are deprived of the possibility of applying for the protection of the EU, as well as the concept of subsidiary and temporary protection allowing for individual applications for asylum not to be considered

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    Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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